DRONTO mil 11 4248

TY OF T DOOC

1 in- 1 CE i

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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.

EDITED BY tT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D.

CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. A. POST, M.A. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a.

F.R.HIST.SOC.

LIVY

VIII BOOKS XXVIII— XXX

^-JLV^^!^

LIVY

WITH AN ENGLISH "translation IN FOURTEEN VOLUMES

VIII BOOKS XXVIII— XXX

TRANSLATED BY

FRANK GARDNER MOORE

PROFESSOR EMERITUS IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

Vr-yw H

50352

3o . 1 -Si

I

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

MCMXLIX

Printed in Great Britain

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

The completion of this Vlllth volume closes a long- standing gap between the early years of the Second Punic War and the beginning of the Fourth Decade in Vol. IX, published in 1935. Events narrated in Books XXVIII-XXX fall within the years 207- 201 B.C. A few chapters only in Book XXVIII are given to campaigns in Greece against Philip, much more space to Scipio's success in driving the Carthaginians out of Spain, not without a mutiny in his own army ; and in the next year comes the threat of another invasion of Italy, this time by Mago from the Ligurian coast. Book XXIX, completing the conquest of Spain, includes the introduction of the worship of Cybele, the brutal treatment of Locri by Pleminius, Scipio's sailing from Sicily, his landing on African soil, together with a digression on the adventures of Masinissa in exile. In Book XXX we have pre- liminary engagements resulting in defeat for Has- drubal son of Gisgo, and in captivity for Syphax, with a tragic end for Sophoniba ; then the failure of Mago's plans, followed by his death on shipboard; Hannibal's departure at last from Italy and landing in Africa; the disastrous " Battle of Zama," and his flight to the coast; finally the peace, and Scipio's return in triumph to Rome — a triumph for which Livy can spare but two words of description. So ends the Third Decade.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

In editing the text no change of method has been made from that employed in the two preceding volumes. Obligations to the facsimile of P and to previous editors remain the same, with special indebtedness to Conwav and Johnson's text, Vol. IV, 1935.

The publishers of the Cambridge Aficient History have again kindly permitted us to base several maps upon theirs in Vols. \TII and IX, ^nth such alterations as were required for our purposes. As for Africa and Numidia, the campaign of 1943 has so stimulated interest in the geography of Tunisia that it seemed only proper to use a map \\i\h modern names, many of them still fresh in memory, and to add ancient names onlv where required by readers of Livy, or for other reasons desirable. We have accordingly de- pended chiefly upon French originals, military and archaeological, including the Atlas archeologiqiie, cited several times in the Appendix. To the Director of the American Geographical Society, Dr. John K. Wright, we are indebted for the friendly help of a specialist. On this map, in place of Livy's un- supported Maesulii for Slasinissa's people, we have followed the usual practice of substituting the Massvlii of Polybiiis. Appian and the Periochae of Livy's Books XXIV, XXVIII. XXIX. reinforced by Strabo's Moo-vXtets, and ^lao-rXets cited from a frag- ment of Polybius, not to mention poets from Virgil to Claudian. It is to be regretted that military operations in Tunisia could not have shed some ray of light upon the problem of Zama-Margaron-Xarag- gara, which is here relegated to an Appendix.

I

THE MANUSCRIPTS

P = codex Puteanus, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale 5730, 5th century, our prin- cipal source for the text of XXI-XXX. But as it is defective at the beginning, so it fails us at the end of the decade. In the closing words of XXX. xxxviii. 2 this MS. comes abruptly to an end, the remainder having been lost as early, apparently, as the 11th century, possibly earlier. There is a serious lacuna also between xxx. 14 and xxxvii. 3 of the same book.

From the Puteanus are descended the following :

C = Colbertinus, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale 5731, 10th century.

R = Romanus, Vatican Library, 9th century.

This fails us at XXX. v. 7. M = Mediceus, Florence, Laurentian Library, 10th century, ending at XXX. xxvi. 10.

B = Bambergensis, Bamberg, 11th century.

D = Cantabrigiensis, Trinity College, Cam- bridge, 12th century, ending at XXX. xh. 3.

A =z Agennensis, British Museum, 13th century.

A^ == Laurentianus Notatus, Florence, 13th century.

vii

THE MANUSCRIPTS

Arabic numbers in parentheses indicate the agree- ment of MSS. derived from P. Thus (1) = CRMBDA, and (3) = three or more of the same list.

A different text tradition was represented by a codex Spirensis, 11th century, now lost with the exception of one leaf. This codex was copied from a MS. of which some leaves were loose and separated from their context. It is known to us from the single extant leaf and from many citations of its readings. Thus in Books XXVI-XXX we have in addition to deal with another tradition of the text :

S = Spirensis, 11th century- ; now only a single foliimi at Munich, covering XXVIII. xxxix. 16 to xli. 12.

Sp = readings of .S cited by Rhenanus in Froben's 2nd edition, 1535 {Sp ? if not expressly cited).

Ta = two foUa no longer extant of book XXIX from a Turin palimpsest of the 5th century; cf. Vol. \TI, p. x. Insigni- ficant as these fragments are, they carry us back six centuries earlier than S.

Some of the MSS. derived from P were altered or supplemented by scribes who had compared another MS. descended from S. Hence A« and N^ will indicate changes thus made (14th and 13th century respectively).

Corrections thought to be by the original scribe are marked e.g. : P^, those by later hands : P^, P^, etc. ; corrections which cannot be thus distinguished : P^ (chiefly deletions) ; and so for other MSS.

viii

THE MANUSCRIPTS

Of MSS. partly derived from P and partly from S two are cited, both of the 15th century and in the British Museum :

J = Burneianus 198, and K = Harleianus

2781.

Further to be noted are :

^ = an inferior MS. or MSS., 15th century, or rarely 14th. But for the meaning of P*, A^ etc., see above.

i/ = late correction or addition in a MS., e.g. Ay.

z = early editor or commentator. Aldus and Froben are usually cited expressly, Froben {sic) standing for the agreement of his two editions.

For details the Oxford text of Conway and John- son, Vol. IV, should be consulted.

IX

CONTENTS

PAGE translator's preface V

THE MANUSCRIPTS vii

BOOK xxvrn 2

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXVIH 200

BOOK XXIX 206

SUMM.ABY OF BOOK XXIX 360

BOOK XXX 366

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXX 640

APPENDIX : THE ZAMA PROBLEM 543

[NDEX OF NAMES 655

MAPS —

1. North Italy At end

2. Central Italy

3. Latium and Campania

4. South Italy and Sicily

5. Greece and Macedonia

6. Central Greece

7. Spain

8. Africa and Numidia

9. Utica and Carthage

XI

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY

BOOK XXVIII

VOL. VIII.

T. LIVI AB URBE CONDITA

LIBER XXVIII

I. Cum transitu Hasdrubalis, quantum in Italiam ^ declinaverat belli, tantum levatae Hispaniae videren-

2 tur, renatum ibi subito par priori bellum est. His- panias ea tempestate sic habebant Romani Poenique : Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius ad Oceanum penitus Gades-

3 que concesserat ; nostri maris ora omnisque ferme Hispania qua in orientem vergit Scipionis ac Romanae

4 dicionis erat. Novus imperator Hanno in locum Bar- cini Hasdrubalis novo cum exercitu ex Africa trans- gressus Magonique iunctus, cum in Celtiberia, quae media inter duo maria est, brevi magmmi hominum

5 numerum armasset, Scipio adversus eirni M. Silanum cum decem baud amplius ^ milibus militum, equitibus

6 quingentis misit. Silanus quantis maximis potuit

1 Italiam JK Froben 2 : italia P{l)N Aldtis.

^ haud amplius Conway : haud plus Oronovius, Eds. : iliauoplus P : seu plus {'preceded by milia) P^{l)N om. A'N^ Aldus, Froben.

1 Hasdrubal's attempt to aid his brother Hannibal by a second invasion of Italy had ended in disaster at the Metaurus ; XXVII. xlvii. ff. The narrative now reverts to Spain, where a third brother, Mago, was in command of an army.

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY BOOK XXVIII

I. While the passage of Hasdrubal,^ by shifting b.o. 207 the war to Italy, was felt to have lightened in proportion the burden for Spain, suddenly a war as dangerous as the former broke out again in that country. Spanish territory was at that time occupied by Romans and Carthaginians as follows : Hasdrubal son of Gisgo had retired all the way to the Ocean and Gades ; the coast of Our Sea and nearly all of Spain facing eastward were under Scipio and Roman rule ; a new commander, Hanno,^ as successor to Hasdrubal Barca had crossed over from Africa with a new army, and uniting with Mago, had promptly armed men in large numbers in Celtiberia, which lies directly between the two seas. Where- upon Scipio sent Marcus Silanus ^ with not more than ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry against Hanno. Silanus made his marches as long

- When a second descent upon Italy was first planned nine years earlier, Hasdrubal had urged the authorities at Carthage to send out another army with a general to take his place in Spain; XXIII. xxvii. 12. A new commander has now arrived, but this Hanno is soon captured and sent to Rome; ii. 11 ; iv. 4.

3 Cf. XXVI. xix. 10; XXVII. vii. 17; xxii. 7.

3

l.U.C. 64J

LIVY

itineribus — inpediebant autem et asperitates viarura et angustiae saltibus crebris, ut pleraque Hispaniae sunt, inclusae — , tamen non solum nuntios sed etiam famam adventus sui praegressus, ducibus indidem ex

7 Celtiberia transfugis ad hostem pervenit. Eisdem auctoribus conpertum est, cum decem circiter milia ab hoste abessent, bina castra circa viam qua irent esse ; laeva Celtiberos, novum exercitum, supra novem milia hominum, dextra Punica tenere castra.

8 Ea stationibus, \igiliis, omni iusta militari custodia tuta et firma esse ; ilia altera soluta neglectaque, ut barbarorum et tironum et minus timentium, quod in sua terra essent.

9 Ea prius adgredienda ratus Silanus signa quam maxime ad laevam iubebat ferri, necunde ab stationi- bus Punicis conspiceretur ; ipse praemissis specula- toribus citato agmine ad hostem pergit. II. Tria milia ferme aberat cum hauddum quisquam hostium senserat ; confragosa loca et obsiti virgultis tegebant ^

2 colles. Ibi in cava valle atque ob id occulta con- sidere militem et cibum capere iubet. Interim ^ speculatores transfugarum dicta adfirmantes vene-

3 runt ; tum sarcinis in medium coniectis arma Romani capiunt acieque iusta in pugnam vadunt. Mille passuum aberant cum a bhoste conspecti sunt trepi- darique repente coeptum ; et Mago ex castris citato

1 tegebant Kreyssig, Eds. : tenebant A'N'JK Aldus : tenebatP(l).V.

2 interim A'S'JK Aldus, Froben : om. P{l)N.

4

BOOK XXVIII. I. 6-II. 3

as possible, being hampered, however, both by rough b.c. 207 roads and narrow passes frequently hemmed in by wooded mountains, as is usual in Spain. Nevertheless he outstripped not only messengers reporting his approach but even rumours of it, and guided by deserters from the same Celtiberia he made his way to the enemy. From the same informants it was learned, when they were about ten miles from the enemy, that there were two camps, one on each side of the road along which they were moving; that, on the left lay the Celtiberians, a new army, over nine thousand men, on the right the Carthaginian camp ; that this was strongly defended by outposts, sen- tries and all the protection usual in the field, while the other camp was lax and carelessly guarded, as belonging to barbarians who were raw recruits and less afraid because they were in their own country.

Silanus, thinking this camp must be attacked first, ordered the standards to move as far to the left as possible, for fear he might be seen from somewhere by the Carthaginian outposts. He sent scouts in advance and himself proceeded towards the enemy with a swiftly moving column. II. He was some three miles away when not one of the enemy had yet noticed them ; a rugged terrain and brush- covered hills kept them concealed. There in a deep valley that was consequently unseen he bade his soldiers sit down and take food. Meantime came the scouts confirming the deserters' reports. Then the Romans piled their light baggage in the centre, took up their arms and advanced to fight in regular line of battle. They were a mile away when they were seen by the enemy, who suddenly began to show alarm. Mago too, leaving his

LIVY

equo ad primum clamorem et tumultum advehitur.

i Erant in Celtiberorum exercitu quattuor milia scutata

et ducenti eqiiites ; banc iustam legionem — et id

ferme roboris erat — in prima acie locat ; ceteros,

5 levem annaturam, in subsidiis posuit. Cum ita in- structos educeret e castris, vixdum in egressos vallo

6 eos ^ Romani pila coniecerunt. Subsidunt Hispani adversus emissa tela ab hoste, inde ad mittenda ipsi consurgunt ; quae cum Romani conferti, ut solent, densatis excepissent scutis, tum pes cum pede con-

7 latus et gladiis geri res coepta est. Ceterum asperi- tas locorum et Celtiberis, quibus in proelio concursare mos est, velocitatem inutilem faciebat, et baud iniqua

8 eadem erat Romanis stabili pugnae adsuetis, nisi quod angustiae et internata virgulta ordines diri- mebant et singuli binique velut cum paribus conse-

9 rere pugnam cogebantur. Quod ad fugam impedi- mento bostibus erat, id ad ^ caedem eos velut vinctos

10 praebebat. Et iam 'ferme omnibus scutatis Celti- berorum interfectis levis armatura et Cartbaginienses qui ex alteris castris subsidio venerant, perculsi cae-

11 debantur. Duo baud amplius milia peditum et equitatus omnis vix inito proelio cum Magone effugerunt ; Hanno, alter imperator, cum eis qui postremi iam profligato proelio advenerant \'ivus

12 capitur, Magonem fugientem equitatus ferme omnis et quod veterum peditum erat secuti, decimo die in

^ eos P{l)X : in eos M'A'X'JK : am. Aldus, Frohen, Con- way.

* id ad P{1)XJK : am. Sp : et ad Rhenanus. 6

BOOK XXVIII. II. 3-12

camp at the first shouting and uproar, rode up at a b.o. 207 gallop. In the army of the Celtiberians there were four thousand men with long shields and two hun- dred horsemen. This complete legion — and they were the best of his troops — was placed in the front line. The rest, the light-armed, he posted as re- serves. While he was leading the men in that order out of their camp and they had scarcely got beyond the rampart, the Romans hurled their javelins at them. The Spaniards squatted down to meet the enemy's volley ; then they in turn rose to hurl their weapons. After the Romans in dense array, as usual, had re- ceived these on their shields held close together, men fought at close quarters and began to use swords. But the roughness of the ground made nimbleness of no use to the Celtiberians, whose custom it is to be skirmishers in battle, and at the same time it was not unfavourable for the Romans, accustomed to a static order of battle, except that restricted spaces and intervening thickets broke up their ranks, and they were forced to engage now singly, now in couples, as though with men paired against them. Whatever hampered the flight of the enemy exposed ' them to slaughter, as if they were fettered. And now that nearly all the Celtiberian heavy infantry had been slain, the light- armed and the Cartha- ginians who had come to their aid from the other camp were being routed and cut down. Not more than two thousand infantry and all the cavalry escaped with Mago almost at the beginning of the battle. Hanno, the second in command, was captured alive with those who had been the last to arrive when the battle was nearly over. Almost all the cavalry and such old soldiers as there were in the infantry

Gaditanam pro\-inciam ad Hasdrubalem pervenerunt ; Celtiberi, novus miles, in proximas dilapsi silvas inde domos diffugerunt.

13 Peropportuna victoria nequaquam tantum iam conflatum bellum, quanta ^ futuri materia belli, si licuisset iis Celtiberorum gente excita et alios ad

14 arma sollicitare populos, oppressa erat. Itaque con- laudato benigne Silano Scipio spem debellandi, si nihil earn ipse cunctando moratus esset, nactus, ad id quod reliquum belli erat in ultimam Hispaniam

15 adversus Hasdrubalem pergit. Poenus cum castra turn 2 forte in Baetica ad sociorum animos continendos in fide haberet, signis repente sublatis fugae magis quam itineris modo penitus ad Oceanum et Gades

16 ducit. Ceterum, quoad continuisset exercitum,^ pro- positum bello se fore ratus, antequam freto Gades traiceret,^ exercitum omnem passim in civitates divisit, ut et muris se ipsi et armis muros tutarentur.

III. Scipio, ubi animadvertit dissipatum passim

bellum, et circumferre ad singulas urbes arma diutini

2 magis quam magni esse operis, retro vertit iter. Ne

tamen hostibus eam relinqueret regionem, L. Scipio-

1 quanta. A' J K Aldus, Frohen : quantum P(1)A'. - turn P(l, exrept D)X Aldus : sua SpA'X'JK Frohen 2 : om. D.

' exercitum . . . traiceret P(l)yxJ^ : om. Sp, Jour lines.

1 The son of Gisgo, mentioned just above, i. 2; of. iii. 3. 8

BOOK XXVIII. II. I2-III. 2

followed Mago in flight and on the tenth day reached b. c. 207 Hasdrubal ^ in the region of Gades. The newly recruited Celtiberians sHpped away into the neigh- bouring forests and thence scattered to their homes.

This very timely victory had made a sudden end, not so much indeed of the war already in progress, as of the resources for some subsequent war, had it been possible for the Carthaginians, after call- ing out the Celtiberian nation, to entice other tribes also to take up arms. Accordingly Scipio praised Silanus in generous terms and cherished the hope of ending the war if only he should not retard the fulfilment by his own delaying. Aiming to finish what remained of the war he proceeded into the farthest part of Spain against Hasdrubal. The Carthaginian, in order to ensure the loyalty of his allies, had his camp at that time, as it happened, in Baetica.2 Nevertheless he suddenly took up his standards and with the appearance of a flight rather than of a march led his men all the way to the Ocean and Gades. But before taking ship along the strait to Gades, thinking he would be the object of attack so long as he kept his army together, he scattered his entire force among the cities in every direction, that they might defend themselves by walls and at the same time defend walled cities by their arms.

III. Scipio, observing that the field of operations was widely extended, and that to attack the cities one after another would be a protracted task, if not a great one, turned back. Not to leave the region, however, to the enemy, he sent his brother Lucius

2 Here not the later (Augustan) province of that name, but a vague term for the southernmost part of Spain, including Gades and most of the valley of the Baetis (Guadalquivir).

LIVY

nem fratrem cum decern milibus peditum, mille ^ equitimi ad oppugnandam opulentis'simam in iis locis

3 urbem — Orongin barbari appellabant — mittit. Sita in Maesessum finibus est, Bastetanae ^ gentis ; ager frugifer ; argentum etiam incolae fodiunt. Ea arx fuerat ^ Hasdrubali ad excursiones circa mediter-

4 raneos populos faciendas, Scipio castris prope urbem positis, priusquam circumvallaret urbem, misit ad portas qui ex propinquo alloquio animos temptarent suaderentque ut amicitiam potius quam vim experi-

0 rentur Romanorum. Ubi nihil pacati respondebatur, fossa duplicique vallo circumdata urbe * in tres partes exercitum dividit, ut una semper pars quietis

6 interim duabus oppugnaret. Prima pars cum adorta oppugnare est,^ atrox sane et anceps proelium fuit : non subire, non scalas ferre ad muros prae incidenti-

7 bus telis facile erat ; etiam qui erexerant ad murum scalas, alii furcis ad id ipsum factis detrudebantur, in alios lupi superne ferrei iniecti, ut in periculo

8 essent ne suspensi in murum extraherentur. Quod ubi animadvertit Scipio nimia paucitate suorum ex- aequatum certamen esse, et iam eo superare hostem quod ex muro pugnaret, duabus simul partibus, prima

9 recepta, urbem est adgressus. Quae res tantum

1 miWe A'JK: om. P{l)N.

^ Bastetanae Weissenbom {from Zonaras IX. viii. 8) : Hispanae P(3)JV Conway.

3 fuerat P( 1 uY AUus : fuit SpJK Froben 2.

* urbe Pil)X Aldus, Froben : urbem {inth circumdat) SpX'JK.

* est P(l}XJK : esset Riemnnn : Convxiy ivould prefer arlorta esset, rejecting oppugnare.

1 Probably the same as Auringis (or Aurinx) in Andalusia; XXIV. xlii. '5.

10

BOOK XXVIII. III. 2-9

Scipio with ten thousand infantry and a thousand : cavalry to besiege the wealthiest city in that country — Orongis ^ the barbarians called it. It is situated in the territory of the Maesesses,^ a Bastetanian tribe. Its land is fruitful; the inhabitants mine silver also. That city had been a stronghold for Hasdrubal in making raids among the tribes of the interior. Scipio pitched his camp near the city and before investing it sent men up to the gates to sound the inhabitants by speaking to them from a short distance, urging them to test the friendship of the Romans rather than their power. When no peaceable replies were forthcoming, he surrounded the city with a trench and a double earthwork and divided his army into three parts, so that one third should always be attacking while two thirds in the meantime were resting. When the first third essayed an attack there was, to be sure, a fierce battle and indecisive. It was not easy to come near the walls for the shower of missiles, nor to bring up ladders. Some who had succeeded in raising their ladders against the walls were pushed down by forks made for that very purpose, others had iron grap- pling-hooks lowered upon them from above, so that they were in danger of being caught up and dragged to the top of the wall. When Scipio noted that owing to the greatly inferior number of his men the struggle was evenly balanced, and that the enemy had an advantage already in fighting from the wall, he attacked the city with two thirds of his men at the same time, having recalled the first third. This

2 Mention of silver mining places this lesser tribe in the mountains, while the Bastetani proper occupied the south coast.

It

LIVY

pavoris iiiiecit fessis iam cum primis pugnando, ut et oppidani moenia repentina fuga desererent, et Puni- cum praesidium metu ne prodita urbs esset relictis stationibus in unum ^ se colligeret.

10 Timor inde oppidanos incessit ne, si hostis urbem intrasset, sine discrimine Poenus an Hispanus esset

11 obvii passim caederentur ; itaque ^ patefacta repente porta frequentes ex oppido sese eiecerunt, scuta prae se tenentes, ne tela procul conicerentur, dextras nudas ostentantes, ut gladios abiecisse appareret.

12 Id utrum parum ex intervallo sit conspectum an dolus aliquis suspectus fuerit incompertum est ; impetus hostilis in transfugas factus, nee secus quam adversa acies caesi; eademque porta signa infesta

13 urbi inlata. Et aliis partibus securibus dolabrisque caedebantur et refringebantur ^ portae, et ut quisque intraverat eques, ad forum occupandum — ita enim

14 praeceptum erat — citato equo pergebat. Additum erat et triariorum equiti praesidium; legionarii ceteras partis urbis pervadunt. Direptione et caede obviorum, nisi qui armis se tuebantur, abstinuerunt.

15 Carthaginienses omnes in custodiam dati sunt, oppi- danorum quoque trecenti ^ ferme qui clauserant portas ; ceteris traditum oppidum, suae redditae

16 res. Cecidere in urbis eius oppugnatione hostium

^ unum P(l)X : unum locum SpA'J {and with locum at the end K).

2 itaque A'X'{altern.) : adque P : atque (1)^^.

3 et refringebantur A'JK Aldus, Frohen, John-son : after portae X' Conicay : om. P{l}X, one line.

* quoque trecenti A*?X*JK : con P {for ccc) : om. P\\)N.

^ The seasoned infantry, here on special duty, not in the formal battle line with its ordines (as in XXVI. xlvi. 7). Cf. VIII. viii. 9fiF. ; X. 5; Polybius VI. xxi. 7flF.

12

BOOK XXVIII. III. 9-16

inspired so much alarm among men already spent in b.o. 207 fighting with the first to attack them that the towns- men in sudden flight abandoned the walls and for fear the city had been betrayed the Carthaginian garrison also left their posts and gathered in one place.

Then the men of the town were possessed by the fear that, if the enemy should enter the city, those whom they happened to meet anywhere would be slain with no distinction between Carthaginian and Spaniard. Accordingly they suddenly opened a gate and dashed out of the town in large numbers, hold- ing their shields in front of them for fear weapons might be hurled at long range, but displaying their right hands empty, so that it should be clear that they had thrown away their swords. Whether this was not seen owing to distance, or whether some ruse was suspected, has not been ascertained. The Romans, making an attack upon the deserters, cut them down like an opposing battle-line ; and by the same gate hostile units entered the city. Elsewhere also gates were being hewed to pieces and broken open with hatchets and pickaxes, while a cavalryman on entering would ride ahead at full speed to seize the forum; for such were their orders. A detachment of triarii ^ also had been assigned to support the cavalry. The legionaries made their way through the other quarters of the city. They refrained from plundering and from slaying those they met, except when men defended themselves with arms. The C,ar- thaginians were all put under guard, also about three hundred of the citizens who had closed the gates. The town was handed over to the rest and their property restored. About two thousand of the

13

duo milia ferme, Romanorum haud amplius ^ nonaginta.

IV. Laeta et ipsis qui rem gessere urbis eius ex- pugnatio fuit et imperatori ceteroque exercitui ; et speciosum adventum suum ingentem turbam captivo-

2 rum prae se agentes fecerunt. Scipio conlaudato fratre cum quanto poterat verborum honore Cartha- gini ab se captae captam ab eo Orongin aequasset,

3 quia et hiems instabat, ut nee temptare Gades nee disiectum passim per provinciam exercitum Hasdru- balis consectari posset, in citeriorem Hispaniam

4 omnes suas copias reduxit ; ^ dimissisque in hiberna legionibus, L. Scipione fratre Romam misso et Hannone hostium imperatore ceterisque nobilibus captivis ipse Tarraconem concessit.

o Eodem anno classis Romana cum M. Valerio Laevino proconsule ex Sicilia in Africam transmissa in Uticensi Carthaginiensique agro late populationes fecit. Extremis finibus Carthaginiensium circa ipsa

6 moenia Uticae praedae actae sunt. Repetentibus Siciliam classis Punica — septuaginta erant longae naves — occurrit ; septemdecim ^ naves ex iis captae sunt, quattuor in alto mersae, cetera fusa ac fugata

7 classis. Terra marique victor Romanus cum magna omnis generis praeda Lilybaeum repetit. Tuto * inde mari pulsis hostiimi navibus magni conmeatus frumenti Romam subvecti.

' amplius P{3)M*X Aldus : plus Sp?JK Froben 2.

* omnes (or -nis) suas copias reduxit P^ or P^l)NJK Aldus (sua P : redixit D) : recipit exercitum Spz Froben 2.

' septemdecim, P has decem et septem and so {or numerals) the re.it : cf. Vol. VII, p. 186, crit. note 6.

♦ Tuto P{l)N Aldus : toto SpX'{altem.)JK Froben 2.

^ See p. 3, n. 2. 14

BOOK XXVIII. III. 16-1V. 7

enemy were slain in the siege of the city, of the b.c. 207 Romans not more than ninety.

IV. The storming of that city brought joy not only to those who took part in the exploit but also to the commander-in-chief and the rest of his army ; and the troops made their approach an impressive sight, as they drove before them a great crowd of captives. Scipio warmly praised his brother, with the highest possible compliment placing his capture of Orongis on the same level as his own capture of (New) Carthage. Thereupon, and because winter was at hand, so that he was unable either to attack Gades or to follow up Hasdrubal's army, widely scattered throughout the province, he led all his forces back into Hither Spain. After sending the legions away to their winter quarters and his brother Lucius Scipio to Rome, and with him Hanno,^ a general of the enemy, and the rest of the noble captives, he himself retired to Tarraco.

The same year a Roman fleet under Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the proconsul, was sent over from Sicily to Africa, and in the territory of Utica and Carthage they ravaged the country far and wide. Along the edge of the Carthaginian territory, close to the very walls of Utica, booty was carried off. On their return voyage to Sicily a Carthaginian fleet of seventy warships encountered them. Seventeen of these were captured, four sunk at sea, the rest of the fleet routed and put to flight. Victorious on land and sea, the Romans returned with ample plunder of every kind to Lilybaeum. Thereafter, as the sea was safe in consequence of the discom- fiture of the enemy's ships, great supplies of grain were brought to Rome.

^5

LIVY

V. Principio aestatis eius qua haec sunt gesta P. Sulpicius proconsul et Attalus rex cum Aeginae, sicut ante dictum est, hibernassent, Lemnum inde classe iuncta — Romanae quinque et viginti quinque- remes, regiae quinque et triginta ^ — transmiserunt.

2 Et Philippus ut, seu terra seu mari obviam eundum hosti foret, paratus ad omnes conatus esset, ipse Demetriadem ad mare descendit, Larisam diem ad

3 conveniendum exercitui edixit. Undique ab sociis legationes Demetriadem ad famam regis convenerunt.

4 Sastulerant enim animos Aetoli cum ab Romana societate turn post Attali adventuni, finitimosque

5 depopulabantur. Nee Acarnanes solum Boeotique et qui Euboeam incolunt in magno metu erant, sed Achaei quoque, quos super Aetolicum bellum Ma- chanidas etiam Lacedaemonius tyrannus haud procul

6 Argivorum fine positis castris terrebat. Hi omnes suis quisque urbibus quae pericula terra marique portenderentur ^ memorantes auxilia regem orabant.

7 Ne ex regno quidem ipsius tranquillae nuntiabantur res : et Scerdilaedum Pleuratumque motos esse, et Thracum maxime Maedos, si quod longinquum bellum regem occupasset, proxima Macedoniae in-

^ triginta, after this Ussing inserted erant {Madvig after quinqueremes). 2 portenderentur Sp?A'J Frohen2: -haintxiT P{1)X Aldus,

^ Since Roman progress in Greece had been slow Livy is summarizing events of 208 and 207 B.C. in that theatre under the latter year. Cf. XXVII. xxix. 9 ff. (Vol. VII. p. 330, n. 2). Polvbius is the source (X. xU. f.) for the events which follow.

2'/.e. XX^^I. xxxiii. 5.

l6

BOOK XXVIII. V. 1-7

V. At the beginning of the summer in which these b.c. 207 events took place ^ PubHus Sulpicius, the proconsul, and King Attalus, after wintering at Aegina, as has been stated above, ^ sailed across to Lemnus with their combined fleets, twenty-five Roman and thirty- five royal quinqueremes. And Philip, to be prepared for every effort of the enemy, whether he must be met on land or on sea, came down himself to the sea at Demetrias ^ and appointed a day for the army to assemble at Larisa. From his allies all around depu- tations gathered at Demetrias on the first report of the king's coming. For the Aetolians in consequence of their alliance with the Romans, and particularly after the arrival of Attalus, had been emboldened and were laying waste their neighbours' lands. And not only were the Acarnanians and Boeotians and the inhabitants of Euboea greatly alarmed but also the Achaeans, who in addition to the Aetolian war were further terrified by Machanidas,* tyrant of Sparta, who had pitched his camp not far from the Argive frontier. All these delegations stated the dangers impending by land and sea for their several cities and were imploring the aid of the king. Even from his own kingdom the report was of no peaceful conditions : that Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus had taken the field ; also that of the Thracians the Maedi ^ in particular were ready to invade the nearest part of Macedonia if some distant war should

^ At the north end of the Sinus Pagasaeus (Demetriacus in § 18), it was the chief trade centre of Thessaly ; cf. Vol. VII. p. 342, n. 2.

4 Cf. XXVII. xxix. 9; below, vii. 17.

5 Between Thrace and Paeonia, in the upper valley of the Strymon and eastward ; XXVI. xxv. 6, 8.

17

LIVY

8 cursuros. Boeoti quidem et interiores Graeciae populi Thermopylariim saltum,i ubi angustae fauces coartant iter, fossa valloque intercludi ab Aetolis nuntiabant, ne transitum ad sociorum urbes tuendas Philippo darent.

9 Vel segnem ducem tot excitare tumultus circumfusi poterant. Legationes dimittit poUicitus, prout tem-

10 pus ac res sineret. omnibus laturum se auxilium. In praesentia quae maxime urgebat res, Peparethum praesidium urbi mittit, unde allatum erat Attalum ab Lemno classe transmissa omnem circum urbem

11 agrum depopulatum. Polyphantam cum modica manu in Boeotiam, Menippum item quendam ex regiis ducibus cum mille peltatis ^ — pelta caetrae

12 baud dissimilis est — Chalcidem mittit; additi quin- genti ^ Agrianum, ut omnes insulae partes tueri posset. Ipse Scotussam est profectus, eodemque ab

13 Larisa Macedonum copias traduci iussit. Eo nuntia- tum est concilium Aetolis Heracleam indictum re- gemque Attalum ad consultandum de summa belli

14 venturum. Hunc conventum ut turbaret subito

15 adventu,^ magnis itineribus Heracleam duxit. Et

^ saltum JK : saltus P{l)N Aldus, Froben.

2 peltatis P{1}XJK Weissenbom, Conway: peltastis J<xc. Gronovius, Eds.

3 quingenti {or d) PA'X^JK : om. PHl)X.

* hunc conventum . . . adventu A'X'JK Aldus, Froben : om. P{l)X, two lines.

1 Cf. vii. 3 ; Strabo IX. iv. 12 fF.

• Of the same name as the island, and destroyed by Philip ; XXXI. xxviii. 6.

' Paeonian auxiliaries (archers) of the Macedonians; XXXIII. xviii. 9; Thucydides II. 96; Polybius II. Ixv; X. xlii. 3 ; Strabo VII. fr. 36 f.

i8

BOOK XXVIII. V. 7-15

engage the king's attention. In fact the Boeotians b.c. 207 and inland Greek states reported that the pass of Thermopylae,^ where a narrow entrance hems in the road, was being closed with a ditch and an earthwork by the Aetolians, that it might not allow Philip a passage in order to defend the cities of his allies.

Even a general lacking in spirit might have been aroused by so many alarms from all sides. Philip sent the deputations away with a promise that he would lend aid to them all as time and circumstances might permit. As the urgency of the moment required, he sent to Peparethus a garrison for the city ,2 from which had come the news that Attalus, sending his fleet over from Lemnus, had ravaged all the country round the city. Philip sent Polyphantas with a force of moderate size into Boeotia; also one of his own generals, Menippus, to Chalcis with a thousand peltasts, whose shield is not unlike the caetra. Five hundred of the Agrianes ^ were added, to enable Menippus to protect all parts of the island. The king himself set out for Scotussa and ordered that the Macedonian troops should march across from Larisa to the same place. There the report reached him that a council had been appointed for the Aetolians at Heraclea,* and that King Attalus would attend for a consultation on the issues of the war. To break up this gathering by his sudden arrival Philip led his men by forced marches to Heraclea. He arrived indeed after the

'* Above Thermopylae, to the west of the pass and com- manding the road to it; XXXVI. xvi. 4 f . ; xxii. 1, 4 f. ; Thuc. III. 92 ; Strabo IX. iv. 13 ; Polybius X. xlii. 4. From Scotussa, in eastern Thessaly, to Thermopylae the distance was about 50 Roman miles; cf. vii. 3.

19

LIVY

concilio quidem diinisso ^ venit ; segetibus tamen, quae iam ^ prope maturitatem erant, maxime in sinu Aenianum evastatis ScotiLssam copias reducit. Ibi exercitu omni relicto, cum cohorte regia Demetriadem

16 sese recipit.^ Inde ut ad omnes hostium motus posset occurrere, in Phocidem atque Euboeam et Peparethum mittit qui loca alta eligerent unde editi

17 ignes apparerent ; ipse in Tisaeo — mons est in alti- tudinem ingentem cacuniinis editi — speculam posuit, ut ignibus procul sublatis signum, ubi quid molirentur hostes, momento temporis acciperet.

18 Romanus imperator et Attalus rex a Peparetho Nicaeam traiecerunt : inde classem in Euboeam ad urbem Oreum tramittunt, quae ab Demetriaco sinu Chalcidem et Euripum petenti ad laevam prima

19 urbium Euboeae posita est. Ita inter Attalum ac Sulpicium convenit, ut Romani a mari, regii a terra oppugnarent. VI, Quadriduo post quam adpulsa classis est, urbem adgressi sunt. Id tempus occultis cum Platore, qui a Philippo praepositus urbi erat,

2 conloquiis absumptum est. Duas arces urbs habet, unam imminentem mari, altera urbis media * est. Cuniculo inde via ad mare ducit, quam a mari turris

^ dimisso, folloued hij iam in P{l)XJK Eds. : Conivay rejects iam.

2 iam A*N*JK Eds. : om. Pyl)X.

^ recipit Sp?K Frohen 2 : recepit P{l)NJ Aldus, Conway.

^ media P{3) : medio AX Aldus Frohen.

1 I.e. the Sinus Maliacus (XXVII. xxx. 3), for the Aenianes lay to the west of that gulf.

2 Plainly visible from Demetrias across the gulf. The height of the mountain is 2112 ft. Cf. Polybius X. xlii. 7.

3 For signalling by fires cf. XXIX. vi. 8, 10. Polybius has an excursus of several pages on the subject, including im- provements he had himself made ; I.e. xUii-xlvii. The Romans

20

BOOK XXVIir. V. 15-V1. 2

council had been dismissed ; but he destroyed crops b.c. 207 which were now almost ripe, especially along the Gulf of the Aenianes,^ and led his troops back to Scotussa. There he left the whole army and with his cohort of guards returned to Demetrias. From there, in order that he might meet every movement of his enemies, he sent men into Phocis and Euboea and to Peparethus, to select heights from which signal fires might be visible. For himself he placed a watch-tower on Mount Tisaeus,^ whose peak rises to a great height, so that by fires ^ on distant heights he might in an instant receive a message as to where his enemies were active.

The Roman commander and King Attalus crossed from Peparethus to Nicaea.* From there they sailed over to Euboea in their fleet and to the city of Oreum,^ which is the first of the cities of Euboea situated on the left as one coming from the Gulf of Demetrias steers towards Chalcis and the Euripus. Between Attalus and Sulpicius it was agreed that the Romans should attack from the sea, the king's forces from the land. VI. In four days after the fleet came in they attacked the city. That time was spent in secret conversations with Plator, who had been put in command of the city by Philip. The place has two citadels, one overhanging the sea; the other is in the centre of the city. From it a road leads down to the sea through a tunnel, and at

seem to have made no use of so elaborate a system ; cf. Riepl, Das Nachrichtenwesen des Altertums 61 f., 74 ff., 91 ff.

* A stronghold of the Eastern Locrians and a seaport 2h miles east of Thermopylae; XXXII. xxxii. 9; xxxv. 2; Polybius X. xHi. 4; XVIII. vii. 8; Strabo IX. iv. 13.

6 Cf. XXXI. xlvi. 6 ff. ; Strabo X. i. 3 ff . Earlier it had been called Histiaea.

21

quinque tabulatorum, egregium propugnaculum,

3 claudebat. Ibi primo atrocissimum contractum est certamen, et turre instructa omni genere telorum, et tormentis machinisque ad oppugnandam earn ex

4 navibus expositis. Cum omnimn animos oculosque id certamen avertisset, porta maritumae arcis Plator Romanes accepit, momentoque arx occupata est. Oppidani pulsi inde in mediam urbem ad alteram

5 tendere areem ; et ibi positi erant qui fores portae obicerent. Ita excliLsi in medio caeduntur capi-

6 unturque. Macedonum praesidium conglobatum sub arcis muro stetit nee fuga effuse petita, nee

7 pertinaciter proelio inito.^ Eos Plator venia ab Sul- picio impetrata in naves impositos ad Demetrium Phthiotidis exposuit, ipse ad Attalimi se recepit.

8 Sulpicius tam facili ad Oreum successu elatus Chalcidem inde protinus victrici classe petit, ubi haud-

9 quaquam ad spem eventus respondit. Ex patenti utrimque coactum in angustias mare speciem intuenti primo gemini portus in ora duo versi praebuerit ; ^

10 sed baud facile alia infestior classi statio est. Nam et venti ab utriusque terrae praealtis montibus subiti ac procellosi se ^ deiciunt, et fretum ipsum Euripi non septiens die, sicut fama fert, temporibus statis

^ proelio inito Sp?JK Froben 2 : proelium initium ^(3), corrected to initum P^C'M^B^AX.

2 praebuerit Sp?A'X'J Froben 2: -buere PiljX : -buit K Aldus.

^ se Gronovitis, Eds. : om. P{l)yJK Conway.

22

BOOK XXVIII. VI. 2-10

the seaward end a tower having five stories, a b.c. 207 remarkable defensive work, used to close the road. There at first a very fierce engagement began, for the tower was provided with missiles of every kind, while artillery also and engines had been landed from the ships for an attack upon it. When that conflict had diverted the attention and the eyes of all, Plator admitted the Romans through a gate in the citadel by the sea, and in an instant the citadel was seized. The citizens being repulsed hastened to the heart of the city and the other citadel ; and men had been posted there to close the gates. Being thus shut out they were surrounded and slain or captured. The Macedonian garrison stood in a mass under the wall of the citadel, having neither taken to flight in disorder nor gone into battle with determination. Plator, having gained permission from Sulpicius, embarked his men and landed them at Demetrium ^ in Phthiotis, while he himself joined Attalus.

Sulpicius, inspired by a success so easily won at Oreum, sailed thence with his victorious fleet directly to Chalcis, where the result by no means matched his expectation. The sea, which from a wide expanse on both sides is narrowed into a strait, might give one at first sight the appearance of a double harbour facing two entrances. But hardly any other anchor- age is more dangerous for a fleet. For sudden, squally winds blow down from very high mountains on either shore, and also the Euripus strait itself does not reverse its direction seven times a day at

^ Two and a half miles from Thebae Phthiotidea and named from a temple of Demeter. It was known also as Pyrasus; Strabo IX. v. 14.

23

reciprocat, sed temere in modum venti nunc hue nunc illuc verso mari, velut monte praecipiti devolu- tus torrens rapitur. Ita nee nocte nee die quies

11 navibus datui*. Cum classem tarn infesta static accepit, turn et oppidum alia parte clausum mari, alia ab terra egregie munitum praesidioque valido firmatum et praecipue fide praefectorum princi- pumque, quae fluxa et vana apud Oreum fuerat,

12 stabile atque inexpugnabile fuit. Id prudenter, ut in temere suscepta re, Romanus fecit quod circum- spectis difficultatibus. ne frustra tempus tereret, celeriter abstitit incepto classemque inde ad Cynum Locridis — emporium id est urbis Opuntiorum ^ mille passuum a mari sitae — traiecit.

VII. Philippum et ignes ab Oreo editi monuerant, sed serius Platoris fraude ex specula elati ; et inpari maritumis ^ viribus baud facilis erat in insulam classi

2 accessus ; ita re ^ per cunctationem omissa, ad Chalci- dis auxilium, ubi signum accepit, impigre est motas. Nam et ipsa Chalcis quamquam eiusdem insulae urbs est, tamen adeo arto interscinditur freto ut ponte continenti iungatur terraque aditum faciliorem quam

3 mari habeat. Igitur * Philippus ab Demetriade

^ urbis Opuntiorum, tJiis order indicated by P{1)N Aldus, Eds. ; reversed in A'JKz Froben 2.

2 maritumis, before this A'X' Aldus, Conway have tum {om. SpJK Froben 2, but possibly preserved in tumvis, which P(3) have in place of maritumis.

3 re AyJK Aldus, Conway : res Sp? Froben 2 : o7n. P(1)X * Igitur P{l)XJK : Rediit igitur M. Miiller.

1 This is the statement of Strabo I.e. ii. 8 and Pliny N.H. II. 219. Regularity is stressed by Cicero N.D. III. 24, with- out giving the number of times daily. But the irregularity was proverbial; Plato Phaedo 90 C. In actual fact the real tides are perfectly regular, with four changes daOy, while in

24

BOOK XXVIII. VI. lo-vii. 3

fixed times,^ as report has it, but with a current that b.o. 207 hke the wind changes irregularly, now this way, now that, it races along as a torrent dashes down from a steep mountain. Thus neither by night nor by day are ships given rest. Not only was the anchorage into which the fleet came so dangerous, but in addi- tion the town was strong and impregnable, being protected on one side by the sea, on the other side, towards the land, extraordinarily fortified and secured by a strong garrison and in particular by the loyalty of its commanders and leading citizens, a quality which at Oreum had been uncertain and delusive. It was wise on the part of the Roman, considering his rash undertaking, that after surveying the difficulties, in order not to waste time for nothing, he promptly gave up the attempt and with his fleet crossed over to Cynus in Locris, the mart of the city of Opus, which is situated a mile from the sea.^

VII. Philip had been warned also by fire-signals from Oreum, but through the treachery of Plator they were set too late on the watch-tower. Also, since he was no match in naval strength, approach to the island by a fleet was not easy. He let slip that project by delaying, and, on receiving the signal accordingly, set out with spirit to bring aid to Chalcis. For although Chalcis is likewise a city of the same island, still it is separated by a strait so narrow that the city is linked to the mainland by a bridge, and approach by land is easier than by sea. Accordingly Philip

a strait so narrow very marked irregularities are due to secondary causes, chiefly winds.

2 Nearly two miles from the sea according to Strabo IX. iv. 2, and less than eight east of its port, Cynus. Opus was the chief city of the Eastern (Opuntian) Locrians.

25

Scotussam, inde de tertia vigilia profectas,^ deiecto praesidio fusisque Aetolis qui saltum Thermopylarum insidebant, cum trepidos hostis Heracleam compu- lisset, ipse uno die Phocidis Elatiam milia amplius

4 sexaginta contendit. Eodem ferme die ab Attalo rege Opuntiorum urbs capta diripiebatur. Conces- serat earn regi praedam Sulpicius, quia Oreum paucos ante dies ab Romano milite, expertibus regiis,

5 direptum fuerat. Cum ^ Romana classis Oreum sese recepisset,^ Attalus ignarus adventus Philippi pecu-

6 niis a principibus exigendis terebat tempus, adeoque improvisa res fuit ut. nisi Cretensium quidam forte pabulatum ab urbe longius progressi agmen hostium

7 procul conspexissent, opprimi potuerit. Attalus inermis atque incompositus cursu effuso mare ac naves petit, et molientibus ab terra naves Philippus supervenit * tumultumque etiam ex terra nauticis

8 praebuit. Inde Opuntem rediit. deos hominesque accusans quod tantae rei fortunam ex oculis prope

9 raptam amisisset. Opuntii quoque ab eadem ira increpiti quod, cum trahere obsidionem in adventum suum potuissent, viso statim hoste prope in volun- tariam deditionem concessissent.

1 ab Demetriade . . . profectus, placed here by Madvig and many ed>. ; in P{1}XJK AM us these words follow deiecto . . . insidebant cum; i.e. P om. four lines and inserted them later.

2 Cum PiSiXA'Aldus : om. SpJK Frohen 2.

3 recepisset A*X*CM' Aldus : se cepisset P(3).V : rece- perat et SpA'JK Frohen 2.

* supervenit P(lj-.V Aldus : advenit SpJK Frohen 2.

26

BOOK XXVIII. VII. 3-9

hastened from Demetrias to Scotussa, whence he set b.o. 207 out in the third watch, dislodged the garrison and routed the AetoUans occupying the pass of Thermo- pylae. Then after driving the enemy in alarm into Heraclea, he himself in a single day covered a distance of more than sixty miles to Elatia ^ in Phocis. On about the same day the captured city of Opus was being sacked by King Attalus. Its booty had been given up to the king by Sulpicius because Oreum ^ had been sacked by Roman soldiers a few day;s before, while the king's troops had no share in it. When the Roman fleet had returned to Oreum, Attalus, unaware of the coming of Philip, was spending his time in exacting money from lead- ing citizens. And so unexpected was the attack that if some of the Cretans, who happened to have gone a long distance from the city to forage, had not

3 caught sight of the enemy's column in the distance, the king could have been overpowered. Attains' men, being unarmed and in disorder, rushed pell- mell to the sea and their ships ; and as they were struggling to cast off, Philip came upon them and from the shore caused further confusion among the sailors. Then he returned to Opus, accusing gods and men because he had lost so great an opportunity, snatched away almost before his eyes. The men of Opus also were no less angrily upbraided because, although they could have dragged out the siege until his coming, at the first sight of the enemy they had

01 almost willingly surrendered.

1 The largest city of Phocis, commanding roads from the north coast and Thermopylae; Strabo IX. iii. 2, 15.

2 The name is always masculine in our Greek sources.

27

Compositis circa Opuntem rebus Thronium ^ est

10 profectus. Et Attalus primo Oreum se recepit ^ ; inde, cum fama accidisset Prusian Bithyniae regem in fines regni sui transgressum, omissis Romanis rebus

11 atque Aetolico bello in Asiam traiecit. Et Sulpicius Aeginam classem recepit,^ unde initio veris profectus erat. Haud maiore certamine quam Opuntem

12 Attalus ceperat, Philippus Thronium cepit. Incole- bant urbem eam profugi ab Thebis Phthioticis ; urbe sua capta a Philippo cum in fidem Aetolorum per- fugissent,* sedem lis Aetoli eam dederant urbis vastae ac desertae priore eiusdem Philippi bello.

13 Tum ab Thronio, sicut paulo ^ ante dictum est, recepto profectus Tithronion et Drumias, Doridis parva atque ignobilia oppida, cepit. Inde Elatiam, iussis ibi se opperiri Ptolomaei Rhodiorumque legatis,

14 venit. Ubi cum de finiendo Aetolico bello ageretur — adfuerant enim legati nuper Heracleae concilio Roma- norum Aetolorumque — , nuntius adfertur Machani- dam Olympiorum sollemne ludicrum parantes Eleos

15 adgredi statuisse. Praevertendum id ratuslegatis cum

1 Thronium Glareanus, Eds.: Toronen {or -em) P{\)N Luchs, Coniray, and similarly in §§11 and 13, requiring tis to believe that Livy was wrong in his geography.

2 se recepit X'JK Aldus, Frohen, Conway : est profectus P(\)N : om. Gronovius, Madvig.

3 recepit P(l)XJK Aldus : recipit SpN' Frohen 2.

^ perfugissent P(l)-V Aldus, Frohen : -venissent SpA'N* {allern.) JK.

^ paulo S'JK: om. P(1)^V. For recepto the MSS. have -cepta to agree with Torone, and the fern, was retained by Alschefski and Madvig with Thronio.

1 More than two miles from the sea (Strabo IX. iv. 4), this ancient town was high-perched at the west end of Mt. Cnemis. Hence the Locrians of this region were called Epi- cnemidian. 28

BOOK XXVIII. VII. 9-15

Having settled matters in the neighbourhood of b.o. 207 Opus, he went to Thronium.^ Attalus also retired at first to Oreum ; and then, when the report reached him that Prusias, King of Bithynia, had crossed into territory belonging to his kingdom, he sailed over to Asia, forsaking the Roman cause and the Aetolian war. And Sulpicius withdrew with his fleet to Aegina, from which he had set out at the beginning of the spring. Philip captured Thronium with no greater struggle than Attalus had in capturing Opus. The inhabitants of the former were refugees from Thebes ^ in Phthiotis. When their city Avas taken by Philip they had sought refuge in the protection of the Aetolians, whereupon the Aetolians had given them an abiding-place in that city, desolated and abandoned in a previous war with the same Philip. Then setting out from Thronium, which he had recovered, as has just been said, he captured Tithro- nion and Drumiae, small and unimportant towns in Doris. Then he came to Elatia, having bidden the envoys of Ptolemy and of the Rhodians ^ to wait for him there. While they were there discussing how to end the Aetolian war — for the envoys had recently been present at the council of the Romans and Aetolians at Heraclea * — came the news that Machanidas had decided to attack the Eleans, who were making ready to celebrate the Olympic Games.^ Thinking he must make that his first task, the king

" A very ancient and important city of Achaia Phthiotis, on a ridge above its port, Pyrasus, two miles away on the Sinus Pagasaeus; Strabo IX. v. 14.

3 Cf. XXVII. XXX. 4.

* Cf. V. 13 f.

5 I.e. those of the year 208 b.c. ; cf. XXVII. xxxv. 3.

29

LI\nf

benigno responso dimissis — se neque causam eius belli fuisse nee moram, si modo aequa et honesta con-

16 dicione liceat, paci facturuni — cum expedite agmine profectus per Boeotiam Megara atque inde Corinthum descendit, unde commeatibus sumptis Phliunta

17 Pheneumque petit. Et iam cum Heraeam venisset, audito Machanidam fama adventus sui territum refu- gisse Lacedaemonem, Aegium se ad concilium Achaeorum recepit, simul classem Punicam, ut marl quoque aliquid posset,^ accitam, ibi ratus se inventu-

18 rum. Paucis ante diebus inde Oxeas ^ traiecerant Poeni ; inde portus Acarnanum petierant, cum ab Oreo profectum Attalum Romanesque audissent, veriti ne ad ^ se iretur et intra Rhium — fauces eae sunt Corinthii sinus — opprimerentur.

VIII. Philippus maerebat quidem et angebatur,

cum ad omnia ipse raptim isset, nulli tamen se rei

in tempore occurrisse, et rapientem omnia ex oculis

2 elusisse celeritatem suam fortunam. In concilio

autem dissimulans aegritudinem elate anime disseruit,

^ posset JK Aldus, Froben : possit P{l)N.

2 Oxeas Crevier {cf. Straho X. ii. 19): uaeas P{Z)X : ut eas A : phoceas A'JK.

3 ad P{l}X : in JK Aldus, Froben, Conu-ay.

^ Phllus lay south-west of Corinth ; Pheneus farther west, near a lake of the same name, at the foot of Mt. Cyllene in north-eastern Arcadia.

2 In western Arcadia, on the river Alpheus and the road to Olympia. It still belonged to the Macedonian king. Cf. Pausanias VIII. xxvi.

^ The Oxeae were small western islands off the mouth of the Achelous and opposite Cephallenia. They formed the

3°

BOOK XXVIII. VII. 15-V111. 2

sent away the envoys with a friendly answer : that b.c. 207 he had not been the cause of this war, and would not delay making peace, provided it was possible to do so on fair and honourable terms. Setting out with a light column he came down through Boeotia to Megara and then to Corinth, from which he took on supplies and marched to Phllus and Pheneus.^ And when he had already reached Heraea,^ he heard that Machanidas, alarmed by the report of his com- ing, had fled back to Sparta. Thereupon the king went to Aegium for the council of the Achaeans, at the same time thinking that there he would find the Carthaginian fleet which he had summoned that he might be able to accomplish something by sea as well. A few days earlier the Carthaginians had crossed over to the Oxeae,^ and then had made for the Acarnanian ports, on hearing that Attalus and the Romans had set sail from Oreum. They were afraid they might be pursued and overpowered inside of Rhium,^ the narrows, that is, of the Gulf of Corinth.

VIII. Philip was sorry indeed and vexed that, although he had himself made rapid marches in every direction, nevertheless he had not met a single situation at the right moment, and that fortune had mocked his speed by whisking everything out of his sight. In the council, however, concealing his vexa- tion, he made a proud speech, calling gods and men

southernmost group of the Echinades archipelago. Cf. Strabo Vlll.iii. 26^71.; X. ii. 19.

* Properly the Headland on the south side of the strait, and its counterpart, Antirrhium, on the Aetolian side, marking the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth; Thuc. II. 86; Strabo VIII. ii. 3; Pausanias VII. xxii. 10 (Frazer). Also at times of the strait itself; so Livy here and in XXVII. xxix. 9.

31

LIVY

testatus deos hominesque se nuUo loco nee tempore ^ defuisse quin, ubi hostium arma concrepuissent, eo

3 quanta maxima posset celeritate tenderet ; sed \^x ^ rationem iniri posse utrum a se audacius an fugacius ab hostibus geratur bellum. Sic ab Opunte Attalum,sic Sulpicium ab Chalcide, sic eis ipsis diebus Machani-

4 dam e manibus suis elapsum. Sed non semper felicem esse fugam, nee pro difficili id bellum habendum in quo, si modo congressus cum hostibus ^ sis, viceris.

5 Quod primum esset, confessionem se hostium habere nequaquam pares esse sibi * ; bre\-i et victoriam haud dubiam habiturum, nee meHore eventu eos secum quam spe pugnaturos.

6 Laeti regem socii audierunt. Reddidit inde Achaeis Heraeam et Triphuliam, Alipheram autem Mega- lopohtis, quod suorum fuisse finium satis probabant,

7 restituit. Inde navibus acceptis ab Achaeis — erant autem tres quadriremes et biremes totidem —

8 Anticyram traiecit. Inde quinqueremibus septem et lembis \-iginti amplius, quos, ut adiungeret Cartha- giniensium classi, miserat in Corinthium sinum, pro-

^ nullo . . . tempore Gronovius, Madvig, Conway : nuUo . . . tempori P{1)X : nulli . . . tempori A^K Luchs {with tempore J).

2 vix P(\)NJK Aldus, Froben : haud Rhenanus, from id of Spy'iahern.).

» hostibus P[l)X Aldus, Eds. : hoste SpJK Froben 2, Comvay.

* sibi P{l)y : eos SpJK Froben 2 : eos sibi z Aldus.

32

BOOK XXVIII. VIII. 2-8

to witness that at no place or time had he failed to b.c. 207 hasten with all possible speed to any place where the din of enemies' arms had been heard. But it could scarcely be made out, he said, whether his audacity in carrying on the war was the greater, or his enemies' eagerness to run aw^ay. So from Opus Attains had slipped out of his hands, so had Sulpicius from Chalcis, so in those very days had Machanidas. But not always was flight successful, nor must that be accounted a difficult war in which you are the victor if you have merely made contact with the enemy. What was of most significance, he said, he had the confession of his enemies that they were by no means his equals. Soon he would likewise have no uncertain victory, and they would fight against him with a result no better than they had hoped.

The alhes rejoiced when they listened to the king. Thereupon he delivered Heraea and Triphylia^ to the Achaeans, but restored Aliphera ^ to Megalopolis, because the citizens of the latter gave sufficient proofs that it had belonged to their territory. Then on receiving ships — they were three quadriremes and as many biremes — from the Achaeans, he sailed over to Anticyra.^ From there he set sail with seven quinqueremes and more than twenty light vessels previously sent by him into the Gulf of Corinth to be added to the Carthaginian fleet, and made a landing at

^ Not actually given back to Achaia until 198 B.C. ; XXXII. V. 4. Cf. Strabo VIII. iii. 3. For Heraea cf. p. 30, n. 2. Triphylia lay south of the Alpheus, and reached the sea on the west.

2 In Arcadia, near the border of Triphylia; XXXII. I.e. ; Pausanias VIII. xxvi. 5-7.

3 The Locrian Anticyra, near the entrance to the Gulf; cf. Vol. VII. p. 100, n.

?>Z VOL. VIII. C

fectus ad Eruthras Aetolorum, quae prope Eupalium

9 sunt, escensionem fecit. Haud fefellit Aetolos ; nam

hominum quod aut in agris aut in propinquis castellis

Potidaniae atque Apolloniae fuit in silvas montesque

10 refugit ; pecora, quae inter festinationem abigi nequierant, sunt direpta et in naves conpulsa. Cum iis ceteraque praeda Nicia praetore Achaeorum Aegiura misso, cum Corinthum petisset. pedestris

11 inde copias per Boeotiam terra duci iussit. Ipse ab Cenchreis praeter terram Atticam ^ super Sunium navigans inter medias prope hostium classes Chalci-

12 dem pervenit. Inde conlaudata fide ac virtute. quod neque timor nee spes flexisset eorum animos, horta- tusque in posterum ut eadem constantia permanerent in societate, si suam quam Oritanorum atque ^

13 Opuntiorum fortunam mallent, ab Chalcide Oreum navigat, principumque iis qui fugere capta urbe quam se Romanis tradere maluerant summa rerum et custodia urbis permissa, ipse Demetriadem ab Euboea, unde primum ^ ad opem ferendam sociis

14 profectus erat, traiecit. Cassandreae deinde cen- tum navium longarum carinis positis contractaque ad effectum eius operis multitudine fabrorum navalium, quia res in Graecia tranquillas et profectio Attali fecerat et in tempore laborantibus sociis latum ab se

^ terram Atticam P(l)-V AMus : atticen SpJ{-em) Froben 2. 2 in posterum . . . atque A'N'JK Eds. : om. P{1)N, four or five lines.

^ primum P(l)iV Aldus : primo Sp 'iJK Froben 2.

^ A seaport of the Ozolian Locrians, on the north shore of the Gulf, but at this time belonging to the Aetolians. Inland and to the north lay Eupalium.

' Mentioned by Thucydides III. 96 ; along the upper course of the Daphnus river, north-west of Anticjo-a and Erythrae.

34

BOOK XXVIII. VIII. 8-14

Erythrae,^ in Aetolia and near Eupaliiim. He did b.c, 207 not surprise the Aetolians, for all the men who were either on the farms or in the nearest strongholds, Potidania 2 and Apollonia, fled into the forests and the mountains. Sheep and goats which in their haste could not be driven away were seized and loaded on the ships. With these and the rest of the booty Nicias, chief magistrate of the Achaeans, was sent to Aegium; and when the king had reached Corinth, he ordered his land forces to march from there over- land across Boeotia. He himself sailing from Cenchreae along the coast of Attica round Sunium, almost through the midst of enemy fleets, came to Chalcis. Then, after praising their loyalty and courage, in that neither fear nor hope had swayed their spirit, and encouraging them to remain his allies with the same steadfastness for the future, if they preferred their own lot to that of the men of Oreum and Opus^ he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. Then entrusting the government and defence of the city to leading citizens who had preferred to flee after the capture of the city rather than to surrender to the Romans, he himself crossed over from Euboea to Demetrias, from which he had first set out to bring aid to his alUes. At Cassandria ^ he then laid down the keels of a hundred war-ships and brought together a great number of ship-carpenters to complete the task. Having done so, inasmuch as peaceful con- ditions had been produced in Greece both by the departure of Attalus and by the timely aid which he

Not far away was a similar stronghold, Apollonia, not to be confused with any of the better-known Apollonias.

3 On the Chalcidic Peninsula ; formerly called Potidaea, but rebuilt by Cassander (founder of Thessalonica also) in 316 B.C. Cf. XLIV. xi. 2.

35

auxilium, retro in regniun concessit, ut Dardanis bellum inferret.

IX. Extremo aestatis eius qua haec in Graecia gesta sunt, cum Q. Fabius Maximus filius ^ legatus ab ^I. Livio consule Romam ad senatum ^ nuntiasset consulem satis praesidii Galliae provinciae credere L.

2 Porcium cum suis legionibus esse, decedere se inde ac deduci exercitum consularem posse, patres non M. Livium tantum redire ad urbem, sed conlegam

3 quoque eius C. Claudium iusserunt. Id modo in decreto interfuit quod M. Livi exercitum reduci, Neronis legiones Hannibali oppositas manere in

4 provincia iusserunt. Inter consules ita per litteras convenit ut, quern ad modum uno animo rem publicam gessissent, ita, quamquam ex diversis regionibus convenirent, uno tempore ad urbem accederent ; Praeneste qui prior venisset, collegam ibi opperiri

5 iussus. Forte ita evenit ut eodem die ambo Prae- neste venirent. Inde praemisso edicto ut triduo post frequens senatus ad aedem Bellonae adesset, omni multitudine obviam effusa ad urbem accessere.

6 Non salutabant modo universi circumfusi,^ sed con-

^ ^laximus filius Alien, Conivay [iciih Maximi Gronovius, Eds.): maximi p [or p) P(3) : maximus pre N : maximus

2 senatum, fdlou-ed by missus in A'X'JK Aldus, Froben : not so in Pi 1 }X.

^ circumfusi P(l)NJK Aldus : om. Froben 2, Johnson.

^ For their threatened invasion cf. XXVII. xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 1.

2 The undefined region meant by Gallia was often called Ager Gallicus, or merely suggested by the town-name Ari- minum. There was no province then in the sense comparable to ' province of Sardinia.' Cf. Vol. VI. p. 315 and n. 2 ; below, X. 12; xxxviii. 13; XXIX, xiii. 2; XXX. i. 7.

36

BOOK XXVIII. VIII. 14-1X. 6

had himself borne to his distressed allies, he withdrew b.c. 207 into his own kingdom in order to wage war against the Dardanians.^

IX. At the end of the summer in which these events took place in Greece, Quintus Fabiiis Maximus the son, as an emissary of Marcus Livius, the consul, reported to the senate at Rome that the consul considered Lucius Porcius with his legions a sufficient defence for Gaul, his own assignment ; ^ that he him- self could retire from it and his consular army could be withdrawn. Thereupon the senators ordered that not merely Marcus Livius but also his colleague Gaius Claudius should return to the city. The only difference in the decree was that they ordered the return of the army of Marcus Livius, but that Nero's legions facing Hannibal should remain in that prov- ince. Between the consuls an agreement was made by letter that, just as they had carried on the war with one purpose only, so, although coming from opposite directions, they should approach the city at one and the same time. Whichever should first reach Praeneste was instructed to wait for his col- league there. It chanced that both reached Prae- neste on the same day. From there they sent in advance an edict that three days later the senate should meet with full attendance in the Temple of Bellona ; ^ and with the whole populace flocking out to meet them they drew near to the city. Not only did everyone in the surrounding crowd greet them,

^ This temple stood below the Citadel and near the east end of the Flaminian Circus. Being outside the pomerium it was used by the senate when returning generals were to present their claims to a triumph ; also when foreign ambassadors were to be received. Cf. xxxviii. 2; XXVI. xxi. 1; XXX. xxi. 12; XLII. xxxvi. 2.

37

tingere ^ pro se quisque victrices dextras consulum cupientes, alii gratulabantur, alii gratias agebant,

7 quod eorum opera incolumis res publica esset. In senatu cum more omnium imperatorum expositis rebus ab se gestis postulassent ut pro re publica fortiter feliciterque ^ administrata et deis immortali- bus haberetur honos et ipsis triumphantibus urbem

8 inire liceret, se vero ea quae postularent decernere patres merito deorum primum, dein secundum deos

9 consulum responderunt : et supplicatione amborum nomine et triumpho utrique decreto, inter ipsos, ne, cum bellum communi animo gessissent, triumphum

10 separarent. ita convenit, ut,^ quoniam et in provincia M. Li\1 res gesta esset, et eo die quo pugnatum foret eius forte auspicium fuisset et exercitus Livianus deductus Romam venisset, Neronis deduci de pro- vincia non potuisset, ut M. Livium quadrigis urbem ineuntem milites sequerentur, C. Claudius equo sine militibus inveheretur.

11 Ita consociatus triumphus cum utrique, tum magis ei qui quantum merito anteibat, tantum honore

12 conlegae cesserat, gloriam auxit. Ilium equitem aiebant sex dierum spatio transcurrisse longitudinem

^ contingere A*JK Aldus, Froben : om. P{1): prospicere N. 2 feliciterque P(1)N Aldus : fideliterque SpA'JK Froben 2. ^ ut P{1}XJK Aldus, Eds. : om. Sp Froben 2, Conivay.

^ Since the consuls had commanded on alternate days, only one of them had both xmperium and auspices on the day of the battle.

38

BOOK XXVIII. IX. 6-12

but vying with one another in their desire to grasp b.c. 207 the victorious right hands of the consuls some were congratulating them, others were offering thanks because by their services the state was safe. In the senate after the manner of all commanders-in-chief they stated their achievements and demanded that for a brave and successful conduct of the war honour should be paid to the immortal gods ; likewise that they themselves should be permitted to enter the city in triumph. Whereupon the senators replied that they did indeed decree the granting of their demands with due recognition first of the gods, and then next to the gods, of the consuls. After a thanksgiving had been decreed in honour of them both and a triumph also to each, in order that they should not have separate triumphs after conducting the war with a common purpose, they came to an agreement as follows. Inasmuch as the battle had been fought in the province of Marcus Livius, and on the day of the battle the auspices also, as it hap- pened, had been his,^ and inasmuch as Livius' army had been brought back to Rome, while Nero's could not be brought back from his province, they agreed between them that Marcus Livius should enter the city in a four-horse chariot with his soldiers following him, and that Gaius Claudius should ride on horse- back without his soldiers.

This sharing of the triumph added indeed to the glory of both, but even more so for the one who had yielded to his colleague in honour to the same degree that he surpassed him in his achievement. That man now on horseback in the space of six days had traversed the whole length of Italy, men kept saying, and had fought, standards against standards, with

39

Italiae, et eo die cum Hasdrubale in Gallia signis conlatis pugnasse quo eum castra adversus sese in

13 Apulia posita habere Hannibal credidisset. Ita unum consulem pro utraque parte Italiae adversus duos exercitus,^ duos imperatores, hinc consilium suura,

14 hinc corpus opposuisse. Nomen Neronis satis fuisse ad continendum castris Hannibalem ; Hasdrubalem vero qua alia re quam adventu eius obrutum atque

15 exstinctum esse ? Itaque iret alter consul sublimis curru multiiugisj si vellet, equis ; uno equo per urbem verum triumphum vehi, Neronemque. etiam si pedes incedat, vel parta eo bello vel spreta eo triumpho

1,6 gloria memorabilem fore. Hi sermones spectantium Neronem usque in Capitolium prosecuti sunt. Pecuniae ^ in aerarium tulerunt sestertium triciens,

17 octoginta ^ milia aeris. Militibus M. Livius quin- quagenos senos asses divisit ; tantundem C. Claudius absentibus militibus suis est pollicitus, cum ad

18 exercitum redisset. Notatum est * eo die plura carmina militaribus iocis in C. Claudium quam in

19 consulem suum iactata ; equites L. Vcturium et Q. Caecilium legatos magnis tulisse laudibus hortatosque esse plebem ut eos consules in proxumum annum

20 crearent ; adiecisse equitum praerogativae auctori- tatem consules postero die in contione quam forti fidelique duorum praecipue legatorum opera usi essent commemorantes.

^ exercitus Luchs, M. MuiUr {rf. xxviii. 9; xxxviii. 3): duces P{1)NJK. Koch and Madvig (1886) would substitute duas acies for duos duces, which Conivay considers corrupt. Anaphora is defended by the balanced structure.

2 Pecuniae PSplA'JK Froben 2: -iam P^(3)Aldus : -ia BDN.

^ octoginta P{l)NSpl Aldus, Froben : nonaginta A'{Tnarg.) and in numerals J K.

40

BOOK XXVIII. IX. 12-20

Hasdrubal in Gaul on a day on which Hannibal had b.c. 207 beheved the consul had his camp established facing his own in ApuHa. Thus a single consul in defence of both regions of Italy had confronted two armies and two generals, here with his strategy and there in person. Nero's name had been enough, they said, to keep Hannibal within his camp. As for Hasdrubal, what else than Nero's arrival had overwhelmed and de- stroyed him ? Thus let the other consul drive stand- ing erect in a chariot drawn, if he wished, by many horses. The truly triumphant progress through the city was on a single horse ; and Nero, even if he went on foot, would be memorable, be it for the glory won in that war, or for his contempt of it in that triumph. Such was the talk of the spectators who accompanied Nero all the way to the Capitol. As for money, the consuls carried into the Treasury three million sesterces and eighty thousand asses. To his soldiers Marcus Livius apportioned fifty-six asses apiece. Gains Claudius promised the same amount to his absent soldiers when he should return to the army. It has been remarked that in the jesting of the sol- diers on that day more of their songs were levelled at Gains Claudius than at their own consul; that the knights highly extolled Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, the lieutenant-generals, and urged the com- mons to elect them consuls for the following year ; also that to the knights' preliminary choice the consuls on the next day added their authority by an address to the people, stating what brave and faithful service they had had in particular from their two lieutenants.

est A'N»JK : om. P{Z)N Aldus, Froben.

41

A.u.c. X. Cumcomitiorumtempus adpeteret et per dicta-

547

torem comitia haberi placuisset, C. Claudius consul M. Livium conlegam dictatorem dixit, Livius Q. Cae-

2 cilium magistrum equitum. A M. Livio dictatore creati consules L. Veturius Q. Caecilius, is ipse qui

3 turn erat magister equitum. Inde praetorum comi- tia habita ; creati C. Servilius M. Caecilius Metellus Ti. Claudius Asellus Q. Mamilius Turrinus, qui turn

4 aedilis plebis erat. Comitiis perfectis dictator magistratu abdicato dimissoque exercitu in Etruriam provinciam ex senatus consulto est profectus ad

5 quaestiones habendas qui Etruscorum Umbrorumve populi defectionis ab Romanis ad Hasdrubalem sub adventum ^ eius consilia agitassent quique euni auxiliis aut commeatu aut ope aliqua iuvissent.

6 Haec eo anno domi militiaeque gesta.

Ludi Romani ter toti instaurati ab aedilibus curuli- bus Cn. Servilio Caepione Ser. Cornelio Lentulo ;

7 item ludi plebeii semel toti instaurati ab aedilibus plebis M. Pomponio Mathone et Q. Mamilio Turrino.

A.u.c. 8 Tertio decimo anno Punici belli, L. Veturio Phi- lone et Q. Caecilio Metello consulibus, Bruttii ambo- bus, ut cum Hannibale bellum gererent, provincia de- 9 creta. Praetores exinde sortiti sunt M. Caecilius

^ adventum P[\)XSp':JK Froben 2 : -tu x Aldus {and so in § 12).

42

BOOK XXVIII. X. 1-9

X. Inasmuch as the time for elections was approach- b.o. 207 ing and it had been decided that the elections should be conducted by a dictator, the consul Gaius Claudius named his colleague Marcus Livius dictator, and Livius named Quintus Caecilius master of the horse. The consuls elected were announced by Marcus Livius as dictator, namely, Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, the same being at the time master of the horse. Then the elections of praetors were held. Elected were Gaius Servilius, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, Tiberius Claudius Asellus, Quintus Mami- lius Turrinus, who was at the time a plebeian aedile. The elections being completed, the dictator, abdi- cating his office and discharging his army, set out in accordance with a decree of the senate for Etruria as his province, to conduct an investigation as to what communities among the Etruscans or Umbrians had discussed plans to revolt from the Romans to Hasdrubal upon his arrival, and which states had aided him with auxiliaries or supplies or any kind of assistance. Such were the events at home and in the field that year.

The Roman Games were repeated three times completely by the curule aediles, Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Servius Cornelius Lentulus. Likewise the Plebeian Games were completely repeated once by the plebeian aediles, Marcus Pomponius Matho and Quintus Mamilius Turrinus.

In the thirteenth year of the Punic war, the consul- ship of Lucius Veturius Philo and Quintus Caecilius Metellus, the land of the Bruttii was assigned by decree to them both as their province, to carry on war with Hannibal. The praetors then received their assignments by lot, Marcus Caecilius Metellus the

43

.C. 206

Metellus urbanam, Q. Mamilius peregrinam, C. Ser-

10 villus Siciliam, Ti. Claudius Sardiniam. Exercitus ita divisi : consulum alteri quem C. Claudius prioris anni consul, alteri quem Q. Claudius propraetor — eae binae legiones erant — habuissent ^ exercitura ;

11 in Etruria duas volonum legiones a C. Terentio pro- praetore M. Livius proconsul, cui prorogatum in

12 annum imperium erat, acciperet ; et Q. Mamilius ut collegae iurisdictione tradita Galliam cum exercitu cui L. Porcius praetor ^ praefuerat obtineret decretum est, iussusque popular! agros Gallorum qui ad Poenos

13 sub adventum Hasdrubalis defecissent. C. Servilio cum Cannensibus duabus legionibus, sicut C. Mami-

14 lius tenuerat, Sicilia tuenda data. Ex Sardinia vetus exercitus, cui A. Hostilius praefuerat, deportatus ; novam legionem quam Ti. Claudius traiceret secum

15 consules conscripserunt. Q. Claudio nt Tarentum, C. Hostilio Tubulo ut Capuam provinciam haberet,

16 prorogatum in annum imperium est. M. Valerius proconsul, qui tuendae circa Siciliam maritumae orae praefuerat, triginta navibus C. Servilio praetori traditis^ cum cetera omni classe redire ad arbem iussus.

XI. In ci\'itate tanto discrimine belli sollicita, cum omnium secundorum adversorumque causas in

^ habuissent PlljNJ Eds. : -set K Aldus, Froben, Conivay.

2 praetor Pighius, Eds. : pro pr. P{l)NJK Weissenborn, who accepts it as Livrjs error.

^ praetori traditis Weissenborn, Conu-au : praeditis P{l)N : traditis C^A*X'JK Aldus, Froben.

1 I.e. the city praetor. It was a frequent practice during this war to relieve the praetor peregrinus of his judicial duties so that he might take a command; e.g. XXV. iii. 2; XXVII. xxxvi. 11; XXX. i. 9; xxvii. 9; xl. 5.

44

BOOK XXVIII. X. 9-xi. I

city praetorship, Quintus Mamilius the duties of b.o. 206 praetor peregrinus ; Gaius Servilius received Sicily and Tiberius Claudius Sardinia. The armies were divided as follows : to one of the consuls the army which Gaius Claudius had had as consul in the pre- ceding year, to the other consul that which Quintus Claudius had had as propraetor ; and these were of two legions each. In Etruria Marcus Livius as pro- consul, with his command continued for one year, was to take the two legions of slave-volunteers from Gaius Terentius, the propraetor; and it was decreed that Quintus Mamilius, handing over his judicial duties to his colleague,^ should have command of Gaul with the army which Lucius Porcius, the praetor, had commanded ; and he was ordered to lay waste the lands of the Gauls who had revolted to the Carthaginians upon the coming of Hasdrubal. The defence of Sicily was given to Gaius Servilius with the two legions from Cannae, just as Gaius Mamilius had held it. From Sardinia the old army which Aulus Hostilius had commanded was with- drawn. A new legion which Tiberius Claudius should take across with him was enrolled by the consuls. Military authority was continued for the year for Quintus Claudius, to have Tarentum as his assign- ment, and for Gaius Hostilius Tubulus, who was to have Capua. Marcus Valerius, the proconsul, who had been in charge of the defence of the entire sea- coast of Sicily, was ordered to turn over thirty ships to Gaius Servilius, the praetor, and to return to the city with all the rest of his fleet.

XI. In the state perturbed by so critical a moment in the war, since men attributed to the gods the causes of everything fortunate and unfortunate,

45

LIVY

2 deos verterent, multa prodigia nuntiabantur : Tar- racinae lovis aedem, Satrici Matris ^ Matutae de caelo tactam ; Satricanos haud minus terrebant in aedem lovis foribus ipsis duo perlapsi angues ; ab Antio nuntiatum est cruentas spicas metentibus \isas

3 esse ; Caere porous biceps et agnus mas idem femi- naque natus erat ; et Albae duo soles visos ferebant

4 et nocte Fregellis lucem obortam ; et bos in agro Romano locutus, et ara Neptuni multo manasse sudore ^ in circo Flaminio dicebatur, et aedes Cereris,

5 Salutis, Quirini de caelo tactae. Prodigia consules hostiis maioribus procurare iussi et supplicationem unum diem habere ; ea ex senatus consulto facta.

6 Plus omnibus aut nuntiatis peregre aut visis domi prodigiis terruit animos hominum ignis in aede Vestae exstinctus, caesaque flagro est Vestalis cuius custodia eius noctis fuerat iussu P. Licini pontificis.

7 Id quamquam nihil portendentibus deis ceterum neglegentia humana acciderat, tamen et hostiis ma- ioribus procurari et supplicationem ad Vestae haberi placuit.

8 Priusquam proficiscerentur consules ad bellum, moniti ^ a senatu sunt ut in agros reducendae plebis curam haberent : deum benignitate summotum bellum ab urbe Romana et Latio esse, et ■* posse sine

^ Matris, after this P{\)N om. as Jar as Satri- : supplied by A'N'JK Aldus, Froben.

2 manasse sudore P(l)iV AUus : sudore manasse JK Froben 2.

3 moniti P(l)X Aldus : admoniti SptA'JK Froben 2. ^ et SpA'X'JK Froben 2 : 07n. P(1)N Aldus.

^ As in XXII. i. 10, also at Antium.

2 Probably an aurora; cf. not€ on XXIX. xiv. 3.

3 I.e. pontifex maximus, elected in 212 B.C.; XXV. v. 2-4.

46

BOOK XXVIII. XI. 1-8

many portents were reported : that at Tarracina the b.c. 206 temple of Jupiter, at Satricum that of Mater Matuta, had been struck by hghtning. The people of Satri- cum were no less alarmed by two serpents that glided into the temple of Jupiter, actually through the doorway. From Antium it was reported that ears of grain appeared to the reapers to be blood-stained. ^ At Caere a pig had been born with two heads and a lamb that was at the same time male and female ; and at Alba they said that two suns were seen, and at Fregellae that light had appeared in the night ; ^ and an ox was said to have spoken in the country about Rome, and the altar of Neptune in the Fla- minian Circus to have been dripping with sweat ; and the temples of Ceres and Salus and Quirinus to have been struck by lightning. The consuls were bidden to expiate the prodigies with full-grown victims and to have a single day of prayer observed. Both orders were carried out in accordance with the decree of the senate. More terrifying to men than all the prodi- gies, whether reported from outside or seen in the city, was the extinction of the fire in the Temple of Vesta; and the Vestal who had been on duty that night was scourged by order of Publius Licinius, the pontifex.^ Although the thing had happened without a portent from the gods but by a mortal's negligence, it was nevertheless decided that it should be expiated by full-grown victims and that a day of prayer at the Temple of Vesta should be observed.

Before the consuls should leave for the field they were reminded by the senate that they should take care to restore the common people to their farms. By the favour of the gods the war had been removed, they said, from the city of Rome and from Latium,

47

metu in agris habitari; minim e ^ convenire Siciliae 9 quam Italiae colendae maiorem curam esse. Sed res haudquaquam erat populo facilis, et ^ liberis cultoribus bello absumptis et inopia senitiorum et pecore direpto villisque dirutis aut incensis. Magna tamen pars auctoritate consulum compulsa in agros remi-

10 gravit. Moverant autem huiusce rei mentionem Placentinorum et Cremonensium legati, querentes agrum suum ab accolis Gallis incursari ac vastari, magnamque partem colonorum suorum dilapsam esse, et iam infrequentis se urbes, agrum vastum ac

11 desertum habere. Mamilio praetori mandatum ut colonias ab hoste tueretur ; consules ex senatus con- sulto edixerunt ut qui cives Cremonenses atque Placentini essent ante certam diem in colonias re- verterentur. Principio deinde veris et ipsi ad bellura profecti sunt.

12 Q. Caecilius consul exercitum ab C. Xerone, L. Veturius a Q. Claudio propraetore accepit novisque

13 militibus quos ipse conscripserat supplevit. In Consentinum agrum consules exercitum duxerunt, passimque depopulati, cum agmen iam grave praeda esset, in saltu angusto a Bruttiis iaculatoribusque

14 Numidis turbati sunt it a ut non praeda tantum sed armati quoque in periculo fuerint. Maior tamen tumultus quam pugna fuit, et praemissa praeda in-

15 columes legiones in loca culta evasere. Inde ^ in

^ metu . . . minime A*y'(JK with habitare) : om. P{1)N,

2 et A'X'JK AUus : om. P(1^V.

3 Inde .V2 ^r X'JK Aldus : om. P{l)X.

48

BOOK XXVIII. XI. 8-15

and it was possible to live on the farms without fear ; b.c. 206 it was illogical to give more attention to the cultiva- tion of Sicily than of Italy. But it was no easy matter for the people, since free farmers had been wiped out by the war, and there was a scarcity of slaves, while cattle had been stolen and farm-houses demolished or burned. A large proportion of the rustics, how- ever, were constrained by the authority of the con- suls to move back to their farms. The occasion for bringing up the matter had been the complaints of representatives of Placentia and Cremona that their territory was being raided and laid waste by neigh- bouring Gauls, and that a large part of their colonists had scattered, and that now they had sparsely peopled cities and land desolated and deserted. Mamilius, the praetor, was ordered to protect the colonies from the enemy. The consuls in accordance with a decree of the senate proclaimed that all citizens of Cremona and Placentia should return to their colonies before a fixed date. Then at the beginning of spring they also set out for the field.

Quintus Caecihus, the consul, received his army from Gaius Nero; Lucius \^eturius took his from Quintus Claudius, the propraetor, and recruited it with fresh soldiers whom he had himself enrolled. The consuls led their army into the territory of Consentia and ravaged it far and wide. When the column was now laden with booty, they were so harried by Bruttians and Numidian spearmen in a narrow pass that not only the booty but also the troops were in danger. However, there was more commotion than battle ; and sending the booty in advance the legions without loss made their way out into arable country. Thence the consul set out

49

LI\T

Lucanos profecti ; ea sine certamine tot a gens in dicionem populi Romani rediit.

XII. Cum Hannibale nihil eo anno rei gestum est. Nam neque ipse se obtulit in tam recenti volnere publico privatoque neque lacessierunt quietum Ro- mani : tantam inesse vim, etsi omnia alia circa eum

2 ruerent, in uno illo duce censebant. Ac nescio an

3 mirabilior adversis quam secundis rebus fuerit, quippe qui, cum ^ in hostium terra per annos tredecim,tam procul ab domo, varia fortuna bellum gereret, exercitu non suo civili, sed mixto ex conluvione omnium gen- tium, quibus non lex, non mos, non lingua communis,

4 alius habitus, alia vestis, alia arma, alii ritus, alia sacra, alii prope dei essent, ita quodam uno \anculo copulaverit eos ut nulla nee inter ipsos nee adversus

5 ducem seditio exstiterit, cum et pecunia saepe in sti- pendium et commeatus in hostium agro deessent,^ quorum inopia priore Punico bello multa infanda inter

6 duces militesque commissa fuerant. Post Has- drubalis vero exercitum cum duce, in quibus spes omnis reposita victoriae fuerat, deletum cedendoque in angulum Bruttium cetera Italia concessum, cui non videatur mirabile nullum motum in castris factum?

7 Nam ad cetera id quoque accesserat ut ne alendi qui- dem exercitus nisi ex Bruttio agro spes esset, qui, ut

^ qui cum x Crivitr : qui cum et x Aldus, Froben : cum A'^X^orX': enmJK: et P(l)A?y.

- deessent XJK Froben 2 : -set P(l) Aldus.

^ This passage is obviously reminiscent of Polybius' tribute to Hannibal in a fragment of Book XI (xix. esp. 3-5). Cf. XXIII. V. 11 ; XXX. xxxiii. 8; XXIV. iii. 12.

50

BOOK XXVIII. XI. 15-X11. 7

for Lucania. That entire nation returned without a b.c. 206 struggle to its allegiance to the Roman people.

XII. With Hannibal there was no campaigning that year. For neither did he invite attack, owing to his very recent wound, a blow national as well as personal, nor did the Romans provoke him so long as he remained inactive ; such power they believed to be present in that one commander, even though everything else round him crashed. And I am inclined to think he was more marvellous in adversity than in success. For here he was, carrying on war in the enemy's land for thirteen years, so far from home with vary- ing fortune, having an army not made up of his own citizens but a mixture of the offscourings of all nations, men who had in common no law, no custom, no language, differing from each other in bearing, in garb, in their arms, differing as to religious rites, sacred observances, one might almost say as to their gods. Yet he somehow bound them together by a single bond, so that no outbreak ensued among the men themselves nor any mutiny against their general. ^ Yet in the enemy's country both money to pay them and supplies were often wanting — deficiencies which in the previous Punic w^ar had given rise to many unspeakable acts on the part of commanders and soldiers. Certainly after the destruction of Hasdru- bal's army wdth its commander — and on them he had rested all his hope of victory — , when by retiring into the remote land of the Bruttii he had given up the rest of Italy, who would not find it a marvel that there was no outbreak in his camp ? For added to every- thing else was this also, that he had no hope even of feeding his army except from the Bruttian region; and even supposing all of it to be under cultivation, it

51

omnis coleretur, exiguus tamen tanto alendo exercitui

8 erat ; turn magnam partem iuventutis abstractam a cultu agrorum bellum occupaverat et mos vitio etiam insitus genti per ^ latrocinia militiam exercendi.

9 Nee ab domo quicquara mittebatur do Hispania retinenda sollicitis, tamquam omnia prospera in Italia essent.

10 In Hispania ^ res quadam ex parte eandem fortu- nam, quadam longe disparem habebant : eandem quod proelio victi Carthaginienses duce amisso in ultimam Hispaniae oram usque ad Oceanum compulsi

1 1 erant, disparem autem quod Hispania non quam Italia modo, sed quam ulla pars terrarum bello reparando

12 aptior erat locorum hominumque ingeniis. Itaque ergo prima Romanis inita pro\'inciarum, quae quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium nostra demum aetate ductu auspicioque Augusti Caesaris perdomita

13 est. Ibi tum Hasdrubal Gisgonis, maximus clarissi- musque eo bello secundum Barcinos dux, regressus ab Gadibus rebellandi spe, adiuvante Magone Hamil- caris filio, dilectibus per ulteriorem Hispaniam habitis ad quinquaginta milia peditum, quattuor milia et

14 quingentos equites armavit. De equestribus copiis ferme inter auctores convenit ; peditum septua- ginta milia quidam adducta ad Silpiam urbem

1 per P'^A^' Aldus : par P{l)X : inter Sp?N*JK Froben 2.

2 retinenda. . . . In ^ Hispania om. P(1)N, three lines: supplied by X'A'JK Aldus, Froben.

1 Since Agrippa's completion of the conquest of north- western Spain is evidently meant here, we have in this refer-

52

BOOK XXVIII. XII. 7-14

was nevertheless too small to feed so large an army. b.c. 2O6 Moreover a great part of the young men, drawn off from the farming of the land, had been claimed in- stead by the war and by their custom of training soldiers through brigandage, a practice viciously inbred in their nation. Furthermore, nothing was being sent from home, since they were concerned about their hold upon Spain, as though everything was succeeding in Italy.

In Spain the campaign was having an issue in part the same, in part Very different : the same in that the Carthaginians, vanquished in battle with the loss of a general, had been forced to the farthest coast of Spain, even to the Ocean ; on the other hand different in that Spain, owing to the nature of the country and its people, was better adapted not merely than Italy but than any other part of the world to preparing for another war. In consequence, though the first of the provinces, at least of those on the mainland, to be entered by the Romans, it has been the last of all to be completely conquered, and not until our own times under the command and auspices of Augustus Caesar.^ There Hasdrubal son of Gisgo, being the greatest and most distinguished general after the Barca family in that war, had at that time returned from Gades in the hope of renewing the war. After conducting levies in Farther Spain with the help of Mago the son of Hamilcar, he armed about fifty thousand infantry and four thousand five hun- dred cavalry. As to the cavalry forces there is sub- stantial agreement among the authorities, but some writers state that seventy thousand foot-soldiers were

ence to a contemporary event evidence that Book XXVIII was written (or pubhshed) after 19 B.C.

53

A.U.C. 548

LI\T

15 scribunt. Ibi super campos patentes duo duces Poeni ea mente ne detrectarent certaraen conse- derunt.^

XIII. Scipio, cum ad eum fama tanti comparati exercitus perlata esset, neque Romanis legionibus tantae se fore ^ parem multitudini ratus ut non in speciem saltern opponerentur barbarorum auxilia,

2 neque in iis tamen tantum virium ponendum ut mu- tando fidem. quae cladis causa fuisset patri patruoque,

3 magnum momentum facerent, praemisso Silano ad Culcham duodetriginta oppidis regnantem, ut equites peditesque ab eo quos se per hiemem conscripturum

4 pollicitus erat acciperet, ipse ab Tarracone profectus protinus ab sociis qui accolunt viam modica contra-

.5 hendo auxilia Castulonem per^-enit. Eo adducta ab Silano auxilia, tria milia peditum et quingenti equites. Inde ad Baeculam urbem progressus ^ omni exercitu civium, sociorum, peditum equitumque quinque et

6 quadraginta milibus. Castra ponentes eos Mago et Masinissa cum omni equitatu adgressi sunt, tur-

^ consederimt B^AXJK Frohen 2, Conivay : -siderunt P{3:AkIus,h\l.s.

2 fore P(3iX^ or N' Eds. : offer parem JKx : om. Sp Frohen 2, Conicai/.

^ progressus P(3) Eds. : progressus eum ANJK Aldus : processum cum Sp? Frohen 2, Conimy.

1 In the MSS. of Polybius 'HAirFA (Elinga, unknown), probably an error for 'LViniTA, i.e. Ilipa (accepted by his editors, XL xx. 1). It lay 10 miles north of Hispalis (Seville), and on the right bank of the Baetis. Cf. XXXV. i. 10; Pliny y.H. III. 11 ; Strabo III. ii. 3 ; v. 9. For Livy's habit of substituting place-names familiar to his readers for those

54

BOOK XXVIII. XII. 14-X111. 6

brought to the city of Silpia.^ There in open plains b.c. 20g the two Carthaginian generals established them- selves, resolved not to refuse a battle.

XIII. Scipio, when the news reached him that they had got together so large an army, thought that with Roman legions alone he would be no match for such a multitude unless barbarian auxiliaries should con- front them, at least for appearance' sake. Yet he felt that these must not compose so large a part of his forces that by changing sides — which had been the cause of disaster to his father and uncle — they might decide the outcome. Accordingly he sent Silanus in advance to Culchas,^ who ruled over twenty-eight towns, in order to receive from him the cavalry and infantry which he had promised to enlist during the winter. Then Scipio himself set out from Tarraco, and gathering up as he went a moderate number of auxiliaries from the allies dwelling near the road, he arrived at Castulo.^ Thither Silanus brought auxi- liaries, three thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. From there Scipio advanced to the city of Baecula * with the entire army, forty-five thousand legionaries and allies, infantry and cavalry. As they were pitching camp Mago and Masinissa with all their

used by Polybius cf. Ed. Meyer, Kleine Schriften II, 406 flF. ; Veith in Kromayer, Antike Schlachtfelder IV, 518; Scullard, Scipio Africanus in the Second Punic War 127 f.

2 Kolichas in Polybius I.e. §§ 3, 5.

^ On a tributary of the upper Baetis, giving its name to the Saltus Castulonensis (Sierra Morena). The main road to Corduba and Gades passed through the city ; Strabo III, iv. 9. fin. Cf. xix. 2, 4; XX. 8; XXIV. xli. 7.

* Cf. Vol. VII. p. 283 n. It was west of Castulo but on the same road. The site cannot be certainly determined, although it has been identified with Bailen. Cf. Polybius XI. xx. 5 ; Veith in Kromayer op. cit. IV. 503 fif. ; Scullard op. cit. 300 ff.

55

LI\T

bassentque munientes, ni abditi post tumulum oppor- tune ad id positum ab Scipione equites inproviso in

7 effusos incumssent. Ei promptissimum quemque et proxime vallum atque in ipsos munitores primum invectum \'ixdum proelio inito fuderunt. Cum ceteris, qui sub signis atque ordine agminis inces-

8 serant, longior et diu ambigua pugna fuit. Sed cum ab stationibus primum expeditae cohort es, deinde ex opere dcducti milites atque arma capere iussi plures usque ^ et integri fessis subirent,^ magnumque iam agmen armatorum a castris in proelium rueret, terga

9 baud dubie vertunt Poeni Numidaeque. Et primo turmatim abibant, nihil propter pavorem festina- tionemve confusis ordinibus ; dein, postquam acrius ultimis incidebat Romanus neque sustineri impetus poterat, nihil iam ordinum memores passim, qua

10 cuique proximum fuit, in fugam effunduntur. Et quamquam eo proelio aliquantum et ^ Romanis aucti et deminuti hostibus animi erant, tamen numquam * per aliquot insequentes dies ab excursionibus equitum levisque armaturae cessatum est.

XIV. Ubi satis temptatae per haec le\*ia certamina vires sunt, prior Hasdrubal in aciem copias eduxit,

1 usque SpPJK Frobeyi 2 : cm. P(1)N Aldus.

2 subirent A'X'JK Aldus : om. P{l)X.

3 etA'S^JK Aldus: om.P(\)S.

* numquam SpA'N'JK Aldus : om. P{l)N.

^ The reader would naturally assume that this attack and the important battle vhich follows took place verj' near Baecula. But at xii. 14 the Carthaginian generals were encamped near Silpia (Ilipa), i.e. less than 60 miles from the Atlantic at the nearest point, while Baecula is 130 miles farther in a straight line. In Polybius it is Scipio who does the marching (XI. xx. 9). No long march of the Cartha- ginians to meet him is mentioned, and near Baecula there is

56

BOOK XXVIII. XIII. 6-xiv. i

cavalry attacked them ^ and would have thrown the b.c. 206 men working on the fortifications into confusion, had not cavalry concealed by Scipio behind a hill favourably situated for the purpose unexpectedly charged them in their disorder. These horsemen at the very beginning of the battle put to flight the most active and those who had been the first to ride up close to the earthwork and even among the men at work. With the rest, who had advanced under their standards and in marching order, the battle was more protracted and for a long time indecisive. But when light cohorts at first drawn off from the out- posts, and then soldiers withdrawn from work on the fortifications and ordered to take up arms, came up in increasing number, and fresh to assist the weary, while by this time a long column of men under arms was dashing out from camp into battle, Carthaginians and Numidians thereupon faced «bout in unmis- takable retreat. And at first they were retiring by troops, while their ranks were not at all broken on account of fear or haste. Then when the Roman fell more fiercely upon their rear and the attack could not be withstood, no longer mindful of their ranks, they scattered in flight hither and thither, each taking the shortest way. And although the spirit of the Romans was notably higher in consequence of that battle and that of the enemy notably lowered, still for some days following there was never any respite from sudden attacks by cavalry and hght-armed.

XIV. When his forces had been sufficiently tested by these skirmishes, Hasdrubnl was the first to lead

no open plain suited to this battle. Hence this was near modern Seville and not a " second battle of Baecula," as Mommsen, Ihne and others have it.

57

2 deinde et Romani processere. Sed utraque acies pro vallo stetit instructa, et cum ab neutris pugna coepta esset, iam die ad occasum inclinante a Poeno prius, deinde ab Romano in castra copiae reductae.

3 Hoc idem per dies aliquot factum. Prior semper Poenus copias castris educebat, prior fessis stando signum receptui dabat ; ab neutra parte procursum

4 telumve missum aut vox uUa orta, Mediam aciem hinc Romani illinc Carthaginienses mixti Afris, cornua socii tenebant — erant autem utrisque ^ His- pani — ; pro cornibus ante Punicam aciem elephant!

5 castellorum procul speciera praebebant. Iam hoc in utrisque castris sermonis erat, ita ut instruct! stetissent pugnaturos ; medias acies, Romanum Poenumque, quos inter belli causa esset, pari robore

6 animorum armorumque concursuros. Scipio ubi hoc obstinate credi ^ animadvertit, omnia de industria

7 in eum diem quo pugnaturus erat mutavit. Tes- seram vesperi per castra dedit ut ante lucem viri equique curati et ^ pransi essent, armatus eques frenatos instratosque teneret equos.

8 \'ixdum satis certa luce equitatum omnem cum'

^ utrisque P{l)X : utrimque N^JK Aldu^; Frohen.

2 hoc . . . credi JK Conicay [with haec most Eds.) : haec . . . credita P{\)S Aldus, Frohen, Alschefski, Weissen- born.

^ et supplied by Lipsius, Eds.: om. P{1)N Conway: curati aha is om. by Sp?JK Froben 2.

^ Some of the elephants carried on their backs a crenellated tower from which javelins were hurled by four or more soldiers posted on the tower; hence the resemblance to forts; XXXVII. xl. 4; cf. Curtius VIII. xii. 7; Pliny y.H. VIII. 22 and 27; Lucretius V. 1302. Such, elephant i turrit i are represented in terracotta figures and on painted ware.

58

BOOK XXVIII. XIV. 1-8

his troops out into battle-line ; then the Roman also b.c. went forward. But each of the two lines stood drawn up in front of its earthwork, and when neither side had begun the battle and the day was now nearing sunset, the troops were led back into camp, first by the Carthaginian and then by the Roman. The same thing happened for a number of days. Always the first to lead his troops out of camp, the first to sound the recall for his men weary of standing still, would be the Carthaginian. From neither side was there a charge, or a missile hurled, or any raising of a shout. The centre was held on one side by the Romans, on the other by the Carthaginians combined with Africans, the wings by their allies, and for both armies these were Spanish troops. In front of the wings, in advance of the Punic line of battle, the elephants presented from a distance the appearance of forts. 1 Already it was common talk in both camps that they were to fight in the formation in which they had stood; that the centres, the Roman and Carthaginian troops, between whom lay the cause of the war, would clash, evenly matched in spirit and in arms. When Scipio observed that this was a per- sistent belief, he deliberately changed everything for tlie day on which he was to give battle. At evening he passed a written order through the camp that before I daybreak the horses should be cared for and the men i have breakfast, that the horsemen under arms should keep their mounts bridled and saddled. ^

It was not yet quite daylight when he sent all his

2 Not quite literal for this period. Primarily the word has to do with a cloth kept in place by a girth and straps. Evolu- tion of cloth into saddle was slow.

59

LIVY

A.U.C. levi armatura in stationes Punicas immisit ; inde

confestim ipse cum gi-avi agmine legionum procedit,

9 praeter opinionem destinatam suorum hostiumque

Romano milite cornibus firmatis, sociis in mediam

10 aciem acceptis, Hasdrubal clamore equitum ex- citatus ut ex tabernaculo prosiluit tumultumque ante vallum et trepidationem suorum et procul signa legionum fulgentia plenosque hostium campos vidit,

11 equitatum omnem extemplo in equites emittit ; ipse cum peditum agmine castris egreditur, nee ex ordine

12 solito quicquam acie instruenda mutat. Equitum iam diu anceps pugna erat nee ipsa per se decerni poterat,^ quia pulsis, quod prope in vicem fiebat, in

13 aciem peditum tutus receptus erat ; sed ubi iam haud plus quingentos passus acies inter sese aberant, signo receptui dato Scipio patefactisque ordinibus equitatum omnem levemque armaturam, in medium i acceptam divisamque in partes duas, in subsidiis post i

14 cornua locat. Inde, ubi incipiendae iam pugnae I tempus erat, Hispanos — ea media acies fuit — |

15 presso gradu incedere iubet ; ipse e ^ dextro cornu ; — ibi namque praeerat — nuntium ad Silanum et >' Marcium mittit ut cornu extenderent in sinistram : partem, quem ad modum se tendentem ad dextram i

16 \-idissent, et cum expeditis peditum equitumque prius pugnam consererent cum hoste quam coire inter se

^ ipsa . . . -poteTSit (ym. Spx : siipplied from P{1}XJK. 2 e am. Sp?JK.

^ For this battle of Ilipa see the works already cited : Scullard, 126 if. with plan; Veith, 517 fiF. with map.

6o

BOOK XXVIII. XIV. 8-16

cavalry with the light-armed against the Punic b.o. outposts.^ Immediately afterwards he himself with the heavy column of the legions went forward, and contrary to the fixed idea of his own men and of the enemy, he formed strong wings of his Roman soldiers, while the allies were taken into the centre. When Hasdrubal, who was aroused by the shouts of the horsemen, sprang out of his tent and saw the uproar outside his earthwork and the excitement among his men, and in the distance the gleaming standards of the legions and the plain filled with the enemy, he forthwith sent out all his cavalry against the horse- men. As for himself, he marched out of the camp with the infantry column, and in drawing up his line made no change from the customary order. The cavalry engagement had long been uncertain, and by itself it could not be decisive because when re- pulsed— and this repeatedly happened almost by turns — they could safely retire into the infantry Hne. But when the lines of battle were not more than half a mile apart, Scipio sounding the recall and opening his ranks admitted all the cavalry and the light-armed into the centre ; and dividing them into two sections he posted them as a reserve behind the wings. Then, when it was now time to begin the battle, he ordered the Spaniards — they formed the centre of the line — to advance at a slow pace. From the right wing — for he was himself in command there — he sent a message to Silanus and Marcius ^ that they should prolong their wing towards the left, just as they had seen him pressing to the right, and with the light infantry and cavalry should engage the enemy

2 Cf. Vol. VII. pp. 5 fin., 65 (and notes), 77. Repeatedly mentioned in this Book.

61

LI\T

17 mediae acies possent. Ita diductis cornibus cum ternis peditum cohortibus ternisque equitum tiirmis, ad hoc velitibus, citato gradu in hostem ducebant,

18 sequentibus in obliquum aliis. Sinus in medio erat, qua segnius Hispanorum signa incedebant.

19 Et iam conflixerant cornua, cum quod roboris in hostium acie ^ erat. Poeni veterani Afrique, nondum ad teli coniectum venissent, neque in cornua, ut adiuvarent pugnantes, discurrere auderent, ne aperirent mediam aciem venienti ex adverso hosti.

20 Cornua ancipiti proelio urgebantur : eques levisque armatura ac ^ velites circumductis alis in latera incurrebant ; cohortes a fronte urgebant, ut abrum- perent cornua a cetera acie. XV. Et cum ab omni parte haudquaquam par pugna erat. turn quod turba ^ Baliarium tironumque Hispanorum Romano Latino-

2 que militi obiecta erat. Et procedente iam die j vires etiam ^ deficere Hasdrubalis exercitum coe- ' perant, oppresses matutino tumultu coactosque priusquam cibo corpora firmarent, raptim in aciem j

^ hostium acie JK : acie hostium P{\)y. r

- ac Madvig, Emend., Conuxiy : et Aldus, Froben : om. i,

F(l)NJK.

' turba JK Aldus, Froben : pugna P{l)N. * die vires etiam A*N*JK Eds. : om. P[\)N.

^ Here Polybius XI. xxiii has a detailed account of com- plicated movements executed by the Roman wings in order to outflank the weaker Carthaginian wings before fighting could reach the centre of the lines. Cf. Scullard op. cit. 132 ff. ; Veith, 522 fif.

2 It has been held that Livy here mistranslated Polybius, who meant maniples. Everything depends upon the inter- pretation of rpetj oTTcipas and a following parenthesis, " this infantry unit is called a cohort (k-oo/jtis) by the Romans "

62

BOOK XXVIII. XIV. 16-XV. 2

before the centres could come together.^ Thus b.c. 206 extending the wings, with three cohorts ^ of infantry and three troops of cavalry on each wing, and with skirmishers in addition, they led at a rapid pace against the enemy, while the rest followed them obliquely. In the centre was a curve where the Spanish units were more slowly advancing.

By this time the wings were already engaged, while the main strength of the enemy's Une, the veteran Carthaginians and Africans, had not yet come within range, and did not dare to dash towards the wings to help the combatants, for fear of exposing the centre to the enemy directly advancing. The wings were being hard pressed by a double attack ; cavalry and light-armed and skirmishers with enclosing wings were charging into their flanks, while the cohorts were pressing them in front, endeavouring to cut off the wings from the rest of the battle-line. XV. And not only was the battle in general far from being evenly matched, but especially because the horde of Baliares and Spanish recruits had been made to face Roman and Latin soldiers. Besides, as the day now wore on their strength also began to fail Hasdrubal's soldiers, I who had been surprised by an early morning onslaught I and compelled to go out into line in haste before they

j (XI. xxiii. 1). It remains debatable whether " this unit " { refers to the single a-neipa, which must then be a maniple, or to the three combined to make a cohort. For manipulus the regular word was crr//xeta. Later on arretpa came to be cohort almost invariably. But in Polybius' time one could use either crqyida or o-ndpa in the same meaning, as VI. xxiv. 5 ; so even in the same sentence, as I.e. § 8 ; III. cxiii. 3 ; XV. ix. 7. In this battle the larger number, 1800 men, seems absolutely required. Cf. Veith I.e. ; F. G. Moore, Classical Weekly, XXX\^I. 238 f.

63

LI\T

3 exire. Et ^ ad id sedulo diem extraxerat Scipio ut sera pugna esset ; nam ab septima demum hora pe-

4 dituni signa cornibus incucurrerunt ^ ; ad medias acies aliquanto serius pervenit pugna, ita ut prius aestus a meridiano sole laborque standi sub armis et simul fames sitisque corpora adficerent quam manus cum

5 hoste consererent. Itaque steterunt scutis innixi. lam ^ super cetera elephanti etiam, tumultuoso genere pugnae equitum velitumque et levis arma- turae consternati, e cornibus in mediam aciem sese

6 intulerant. Fessi igitur corporibus animisque rettu- lere pedem, ordines tamen servantes, baud secus quam si imperio ducis cederet * integra acies. ^

7 Sed cum eo ipso acrius, ubi inclinatam sensere rem, \ictores se undique inveherent, nee facile impetus

8 sustinen posset, quamquam retinebat obsistebatque cedentibus Hasdrubal, ab tergo esse coUes tutumque

9 receptum, si modice se reciperent, clamitans, tamen vincente metu verecundiam, cum proximus quisque hostem caderet,^ terga extemplo data, atque in fugam

10 sese omnes effuderunt. Ac primo consistere '^ signa j in radicibus collium ac revocare in ordines militem ' coeperant cunctantibus in adversum collem erigere aciem Romanis ; deinde, ut inferri inpigre signa viderunt, integrata fuga in castra pavidi comxpel-

1 Et .V'^ : om. P(l)XJK Aldm, Frohen.

- incucurrerunt P(3)xY : incur- B Aldus : concur- SffJK Frohen 2.

^ lam Weissenbom : nam P{ 1 )XJK.

* cederet JK Aldus, Frohen, Conway : cederent P{1)N Eds.

^ acies P[l)XJK Aldus, Conicay : acie Weissenbom, Eds.

« caderet Madvig, Luchs, Riemann : cederet P{S)A*N'JK Weissenborn, Conicay.

' consistere P{1)XJK Weissenborn, Conway: constituere Duker, Eds.

64

BOOK XXVIII. XV. 2-10

could take food to sustain them. And Scipio had b.c. 206 deUberately dragged out the day, in order that the battle might be belated. For it was not until the seventh hour that the infantry units ^ charged the wings. The battle reached the centre of the lines considerably later, so that the heat of the niidday sun and the strain of standing under arms, and at the same time hunger and thirst, weakened their bodies before they engaged the enemy. Accordingly they stood resting on their shields. By this time, in addition to everything else, the elephants also took fright at the skirmishing tactics of cavalry and skir- mishers and light-armed and had shifted from the wings into the centre. Weakened therefore in body and spirit the men retreated, keeping their ranks nevertheless, just as if by order of the general the line was giving way intact.

But when the victors, on seeing that the tide of battle had turned, for that reason charged with more spirit from all sides, and it was not easy to withstand their attack, although Hasdrubal tried to hold his men back and confronted them as they gave way, shouting to them again and again that in the rear there were hills and a safe refuge if they retired slowly. Never- theless, as fear overcame their respect for him and those nearest to the enemy were falling, at once they faced about and all took to flight. And at first the standard-bearers began to halt at the foot of the hills and to call the soldiers back into their ranks, while the Romans hesitated to advance their line up the hill. Then when the enemy saw the standards coming bravely on, they resumed their flight and were

^ I.e. those of xiv. 17, three cohorts on each wing (Veith), or one cohort as the passage has been commonly understood.

65

VOL. VIII. D

LIVY

11 luntur. Nee proeul vallo Romanus aberat, cepisset- que tanto impetu eastra, nisi ^ ex vehementi sole, qualis inter graves imbre nubes effulget, tanta vis aquae deiecta esset ^ ut vix in eastra sua reeeperint se victores, quosdam etiam religio ceperit ^ ulterius

12 quicquam eo die conandi. Carthaginienses, quam- quam fessos labore ac volneribus nox imberque ad

13 necessariam quietem vocabat, tamen, quia metus et periculum cessandi non dabat tempus, prima luce oppugnaturis hostibus eastra, saxis undique circa ex propinquis vallibus congestis augent vallum, muni- mento sese, quando in armis parum praesidii foret,

14 defensuri. Sed transitio sociorum fuga ut tutior mora videretur fecit. Principium defectionis ab

15 Attene regulo Turdetanorum factum est ; is cum magna popularium manu transfugit ; inde duo munita oppida cum praesidiis tradita a praefectis

16 Romano. Et ne latius inclinatis semel ad defectio- nem animis serperet res, silentio proximae noctis Hasdrubal eastra movet.

XVI. Scipio, ut prima luce qui in stationibus erant rettulerunt profectos hostes, praemisso equitatu signa

2 ferri iubet ; adeoque citato agmine ducti sunt ut, si via recta vestigia sequentes issent, baud dubie adsecuturi fuerint ; ducibus * est creditum brevius aliud esse iter ad Baetim flmium, ut transeuntes

3 adgrederentur. Hasdrubal clauso transitu fluminis

1 nisi P^RA'N^ or X'JK Aldus, Conway : ni se P(3) Eds.

* deiecta esset X'JK Aldus, Froben, Conway : deiecisset P{\)y Eds.

' ceperit P{3)NJ Aldus : ceperat Sp Froben 2 : cepit K : coeperit CRB.

* ducibus, before this AN Aldus have sed.

66

BOOK XXVIII. XV. lo-xvi. 3

driven panic-stricken into camp. Not far from the b.c. 206 earthwork were the Romans ; and by such momentum they would have captured the camp if, after a blazing sun, such as shines out in the midst of clouds heavy with rain, there had not been so extraordinary a down- pour that the victors with difficulty retired to their camp, and had not some been beset by scruples also against any further attempt that day. The Cartha- ginians, although night and pouring rain invited them to needed rest, being weak from exertion and wounds, nevertheless, because fear and danger gave them no time to be idle when the enemy would attack the camp at daybreak, raised their earthwork by gather- ing stones from near-by valleys all round, intending to defend themselves by a fortification, since in their arms they would have no sufficient protection. But the desertion of their allies made flight seem safer than delay. Defection began with Attenes, prince of the Turdetani, who deserted with a large force of his tribesmen. Then two fortified towns were handed over with their garrisons to the Roman by their commanders. And for fear the mischief might spread farther, now that men were once disposed to change sides, Hasdrubal moved his camp in the silence of the following night.

XVI. Scipio, when men on outpost duty reported at daylight that the enemy had left, sent his cavalry ahead and ordered the standards to advance. The column also marched at such a pace that, if they had directly followed the enemy's track, they would undoubtedly have overtaken them. They believed the guides that there was another shorter road to the river Baetis, by which they might attack the enemy while crossing over. Hasdrubal, finding the passage

67

LIVY

ad Oceanum flectit, et iam inde fugientium modo effusi abibant ; itaque ^ ab legionibus Romanis ali-

4 quantum intervalli fecit ; eques levisque armatura nunc ab tergo nunc ab lateribus occurrendo fatigabat

5 morabaturque ; sed ^ cum ad crebros tumultus signa consisterent et nunc equestria nunc cum velitibus auxiliisque peditum proelia consererent. super-

6 venerunt legiones. Inde non iam pugna sed truci- datio velut pecorum fieri, donee ipse dux fugae auctor in proximos colles cum sex milibus ferme

7 semermium evasit ; ceteri caesi captique. Castra tumultuaria raptim Poeni tumulo editissimo com- muniverunt, atque inde. cum hostis nequiquam subire iniquo ascensu conatus esset,^ haud difficulter

8 sese tutati sunt. Sed obsidio in loco nudo atque inopi \'ix in paucos dies tolerabilis erat ; itaque transitiones ad hostem fiebant. Postremo dux ipse navibus accitis ^ — nee procul inde aberat mare — nocte relicto

9 exercitu Gades perfugit. Scipio fuga ducis hostium audita decem milia peditum mille equites relinquit

10 Silano ad castrorum obsidionem ; ipse cum ceteris copiis septuagensimis castris, protinus causis regu- lorum civitatiumque cognoscendis, ut praemia ad veram meritorum aestimationem tribui possent,

11 Tarraconem rediit. Post profectionem eius Masi-

^ itaque Pil)X : idque X'JK Aldus, Frohen.

- sed P(3}yJK Aldus, Frohen : et C Madvi^, Emend.

3 conatus esset P{\)y Aldus: -ti essent SpJK Froben 2 (with hostes above).

* accitis Weis-^enhorn : acceptis P-(l)XJK Aldus: ac- cipitis P.

^ Hasdrubal had intended to cross the Baetis and then retreat to Gades (total distance about 75 miles to the harbour of that city). But now he is obliged to remain on the right bank, thus increasing the distance considerably. 68

BOOK XXVIII. XVI. 3-1 1

of the river closed, turned aside towards the Ocean, ^ b.c. 206 and henceforward, scattering hke fugitives, away they went. Thus he put a considerable distance between himself and the Roman legions. Cavalry and light-armed, dashing upon them now from the rear, now on the flanks, kept wearing them out and delaying them. But when in view of the numerous clashes the standards came to a halt and the men were engaged now with cavalry, now with skirmishers and auxiliary infantry, the legions came up. There- after it was no longer a battle but a slaughter as of cattle, until the general, himself now approving their flight, escaped to the nearest hills with some six thousand half-armed men. The rest were slain or captured. The Carthaginians hastily fortified an improvised camp on a very high hill and from it they defended themselves without difficulty, since the enemy had tried in vain to come up the steep slope. But in an exposed situation which furnished nothing a siege was scarcely endurable even for a few days. Accordingly there were repeated desertions to the enemy. Finally the general himself sent for ships ^ — the sea was not far away — and leaving his army by night he escaped to Gades. Scipio, learning of the flight of the enemy's general, left Silanus ten thou- sand infantry and a thousand cavalry to besiege the camp. With the rest of the forces he himself returned to Tarraco in seventy days' marches,^ hearing the cases of chiefs and states as he proceeded, in order to bestow rewards according to the real worth of their services. After his departure Masi-

2 From Gades; cf. § 13.

^ The slow progress is explained by what immediately follows.

LIVY

nissa cum Silano clam congressus, ut ad nova consilia gentem quoque suam oboedientem haberet, cum

12 paucis popularibus in Africam traiecit, non tam evident! eo ^ tempore subitae mutationis causa quam documento post id tempus const antissimae ad ulti- mam senectam fidei ne tum quidem eum sine proba-

13 bili causa fecisse. Mago inde remissis ab Hasdrubale navibus Gades petit ; ceteri deserti ab ducibus, pars transitione, pars ^ fuga dissupati per proximas civi- tates sunt, nulla numero aut viribus manus insignis.

14 Hoc maxime modo ductu atque auspicio P. Sci- pionis pulsi Hispania Carthaginienses sunt, quarto decimo anno post bellum initum, quinto quam ^ P.

15 Scipio provinciam et exercitum accepit. Haud multo post Silanus debellatum referens Tarraconem ad Scipionem rediit. X\'II. L. Scipio cum multls nobilibus captives nuntius receptae Hispaniae Romam

2 est missus. Et * cum ceteri laetitia gloriaque in- genti eam rem volgo ferrent, unus qui gesserat, in- explebilis virtutis veraeque laudis, parvum instar eorum quae spe ac magnitudine animi concepisset

3 receptas Hispanias ducebat. lam Africam magnam- que Carthaginem et in suum decus nomenque velut

' eo N*JK Aldus, Frohen : om. P{\)N : illo WeisseTthorn.

'^ pars om. P{\)N.

^ quamP(3)k; ^osiqna.va ANSp?J Aldus.

* Et P{l)yJK Aldus : sed Madvig.

^ He lived on until 148 B.C., upwards of 90 vears old, and reigned 60 years; App. Pun. 106; Pliny N.H.\n. 156.

2 An error corrected by x. 8 and xxxviii. 12, the 14th year of the war being 205 B.C.

3 Livy had assigned Scipio's arrival in Spain to the j'ear 211 B.C.; XXVI. xix, 11 flf. Consequently he placed the capture of New Carthage in 210 B.C. See Vol. VII. notes on pp. 68, 230, 296 ; Scullard, 304 ff.

70

BOOK XXVIII. XVI. ii-xvii. 3

nissa conferred secretly with Silanus, then crossed b.o. 206 over to Africa with a few of his countrymen, in order that in changing his policy he might count upon the obedience of his nation also. The reason for his sudden change was not so clear then as was later the evidence furnished by a loyalty unswerving down to extreme age,^ that even at that time he had not acted without a reasonable ground. Mago then reached Gades on the ships sent back by Hasdrubal. The rest, abandoned by their generals, were scattered, some by desertion, others by flight, among the neighbouring states ; no force remained which was notable for its numbers or its strength.

So much in general for the manner in which under the command and auspices of Publius Scipio the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain in the four- teenth year ^ from the beginning of the war, the fifth 3 after Publius Scipio received his province and army. Not much later Silanus returned to Scipio at Tarraco, reporting the war at an end.* XVII. Lucius Scipio with many noble captives was sent to Rome to announce the conquest of Spain. And while everyone else was publishing the fact abroad with great rejoicing and high praise, the one man who had accomplished it was insatiable in his craving for merit and well-earned distinction. He considered the conquest of Spain insignificant compared with all that he had imagined in his high-minded hopes. Already his eye was upon Africa and the greater Carthage and the glory of such a war, as if

* Although his readers would here infer that a campaign has now been completed, the historian goes on to include a seemingly impossible range of operations within what re- mained of the same year, 206 B.C.

71

•4 consummatam eius belli gloriam spectabat. Itaque praemoliendas sibi ratus iam res conciliandosque regum gentiumque animos, Syphacem primuin

5 regem statuit temptare. Masaesuliorum is rex erat. Masaesulii, gens adfinis Mauris, in regionem Hispaniae maxime qua sita Nova Carthago est spec-

6 tant. Foedus ea tempestate regi cum Carthaginien-

7 sibus erat ; quod baud gravius ei sanctiusque quam volgo barbaris, quibus ex fortuna pendet fides, ratus fore, oratorem ad eum C. Laelium cum donis mittit.

8 Quibus barbarus laetus, et quia res turn prosperae ubique Romanis, Poenis ^ in Italia adversae, in His- pania nullae iam erant, amicitiam se Romanorum accipere annuit : firmandae eius fidem nee dare nee

9 accipere nisi cum ipso coram duce Romano. Ita Laelius in id modo fide ab rege accepta, tutum adven- tum fore, ad Scipionem redit.

lu Magnum in omnia momentum Syphax adfectanti res Africae erat,- opulentissimus eius terrae rex,^ bello iam expertus ipsos Carthaginienses, finibus etiam regni apte ad Hispaniam, quod freto exiguo

11 dirimuntur, positis. Dignam itaque rem Scipio ratus quae, quoniam aliter non * posset, magno periculo peteretur, L. Marcio Tarracone, M. Silano Cartha- gine Nova, quo pedibus ab Tarracone itineribus mag-

12 nis ierat, ad praesidium Hispaniae relictis, ipse cum

1 Poenis BSp?JK Froben 2 : poenis autem P{3)B'N Aldus.

2 Africae erat JK Froben 2 : erat Africae P{l)N Aldus. ' rex Sp?A'JK Froben 2 : om. PiljX Aldus.

* aliter non x Luchs : non aliter PdjNJK Aldus, Froberiy Conway.

72

BOOK XXVIII. XVII. 3-12

accumulated to bring him honour and a name. Accord- b.c. 206 ingly, thinking that he must already make prepara- tions and gain the goodwill of kings and tribes, he decided first to sound King Syphax. He was the king of the Masaesulians. A tribe bordering on the Mauri, the Masaesulians directly face the region of Spain in which lies New Carthage. At that time the king had a treaty with the Carthaginians ; and Scipio, thinking it would have for Syphax no more weight and sanctity than is usual for barbarians, with whom loyalty depends upon success, sent Gains Laelius as an envoy to him with gifts. Delighted with these, and since at that time the situation was everywhere favourable for the Romans but for the Carthaginians unfavourable in Italy and now quite hopeless in Spain, the barbarian indicated that he would accept the friendship of the Romans ; that for its confirmation he would neither give nor receive a pledge except in the actual presence of the Roman commander. So Laelius, having received from the king a promise to this effect only, that for the visit safety would be assured, returned to Scipio.

A factor of great importance in every respect for a man planning an attack upon Africa was Syphax, the richest king in that land and one who had already gained experience even of the Carthaginians in war, while boundaries of his kingdom were also well situated with reference to Spain in being separated from it by a narrow strait only. Consequently Scipio thought the matter deserved to be pursued even at a great risk, since it was otherwise impossible. Leaving Lucius Marcius at Tarraco and Marcus Silanus at New Carthage — to which he had come by land in long stages from Tarraco — that they might defend Spain,

73

LI\T

C. Laelio duabus quinqueremibus ab Carthagine pro- fectus tranquillo mari plurumum remis, interdum et

13 leni adiuvante ^ vento, in Africam traiecit. Forte ita incidit ut eo ipso tempore Hasdrubal pulsus Hispania, septem trireniibus portum invectus, ancoris positis

14 terrae adplicaret naves, cum conspectae duae quin- queremes, baud cuiquam dubio quin hostium essent opprimique a pluribus, priusquam portum intrarent, possent, nihil aliud quam tumultum ac trepidationem simul militum ac nautarum nequiquam armaque et

15 naves expedientium fecerunt. Percussa enim ex alto vela paulo acriori vento prius in portum intulerunt quinqueremes quam Poeni ancoras molirentur;

16 nee ultra tumultum ciere quisquam in regio portu audebat. Ita in terram prior Hasdrubal, mox Scipio et Laelius egressi ad regem pergunt. XVIII. Mag- nificumque id Syphaci — nee erat aliter — visum, duorum opulentissimorum ea tempestate duces popu- lorum uno die suam pacem amicitiamque petentes venisse.

2 Utrumque in hospitium in\-itat ; et ^ quoniam fors eos sub uno tecto esse atque ad eosdem penates voluisset, contrahere ad ^ conloquium dirimen-

3 darum simultatium causa est conatus, Scipione abnuente aut privatim sibi ullum cum Poeno odium

' adiuvante P{1)N Aldus : iuvaute SpJK Froben 2. ' et P{\)N Aldus, Froben : om. SpJK. 3 ad P{l)N Aldus, Eds. : in SpN\altern.)JK Froben 2, Conway.

74

BOOK XXVIII. XVII. I2-XVIII. 3

he himself sailed with Gaius Laelius and two quin- b.o. 206 queremes from (New) Carthage. Using oars for the most part over a calm sea, while at times a gentle wind lent its help, he crossed over to Africa. ^ It so chanced that at the very same time Hasdrubal, who had been forced out of Spain and had sailed into the harbour with seven triremes and cast anchor, was bringing his ships to the shore when the two qiiin- queremes were sighted. No one had any doubt that they belonged to the enemy, and that they could be surprised by superior numbers before they entered the harbour. But they caused nothing more than uproar and excitement both among soldiers and sailors, as they made ready their arms and ships all to no purpose. For the sails, catching a slightly stronger wind from the open sea, brought the quinqueremes into the harbour before the Carthaginians could weigh anchor. Nor did anyone dare to make further disturbance in the king's harbour. So first Has drubal and then Scipio and Laelius disembarked and went to the king. XVIII. To Syphax it seemed a splendid thing — as indeed it was — that the generals of the two richest peoples of that time had come on the same day to ask for peace and friendship from him.

He invited both of them to be his guests, and inas much as chance had ordained that they should be under one roof and in the same dwelling, he tried to draw them into a conference to put an end to their quarrels. Scipio indeed stated that neither as a private citizen had he any hatred toward

^ Probably to Siga, in Mauretania, where Syphax at times resided; Pliny N.H. V. 19; Strabo XVII. iii. 9; App. Hisp. 29 f.

75

LIVY

esse quod conloquendo finiret, aut de re publica quicquam se ^ cum hoste agere iniussu senatus posse.

4 Illud magno opere tendente rege. ne alter hospitum exclusus mensa videretur, ut in animum induceret ad easdem venire epulas, baud abnuit ; cenatumque

5 simul apud regem est ; eodem ^ etiam lecto Scipio at que Hasdrubal, quia ita cordi erat regi. accubuerunt.

6 Tanta autem inerat coniitas Scipioni atque ad omnia naturalis ingenii dexteritas ut non Svphacem mode, barbarum insuet unique moribus Romanis, sed hostem etiam infestissimum facunde adloquendo sibi con-

7 ciliarit.3 Mirabiliorem * sibi eum ^ congresso coram

8 visum prae se ferebat quam bello rebus gestis, nee dubitare quin S^^phax regnumque eius iam in Roma- norum essent potestate ; eam artem illi viro ad con-

9 ciliandos animos esse. Itaque non quo modo His- paniae amissae sint quaerendum magis Carthagi- niensibus esse quam quo modo Africam retineant

10 cogitandum. Non peregrinabundum neque circa amoenas oras vagantem tantum ducem Romanum, relicta pro\-incia novae dicionis, relictis exercitibus, duabus navibus in Africam traiecisse et commisisse sese in hostilem terram. in potestatem ^ regiam, in fidem inexpertam, sed potiundae Africae spem

11 adfectantem. Hoc eum iam pridem volutare in

^ quicquam se P{S)M^ or J/' Aldus : se before quicquam AXJK Froben 2.

2 eodem SpJK Froben 2, Conway : et eodem ^(1)^"^ Aldu^, Eds.

' conciliarit Sp? Froben 2, Lvchs, Conicay : -aret P{S)NJK Aldus, Eds.

* Mirabiliorem SpJK Conway : P(1)X Eds. add -que.

5 eum, after this P{1)X Aldus, Eds. have virum : am. SpJK Froben 2, Conway.

76

BOOK XXVIII. XVIII. 3-II

the Carthaginian which might be ended by a confer- b.c. 206 ence, nor as regarded the state could he treat with an enemy without an order from the senate. When the king kept insisting that he consent to come to the same feast for fear one of his guests should seem to have been excluded from his table, Scipio did not decline, and they dined together in the king's house. On the same couch even, since the king would have it so, Scipio and Hasdrubal reclined. Moreover, such was the genial manner of Scipio, such his inborn cleverness in meeting every situation, that by his eloquent mode of address he won not Syphax only, the barbarian unacquainted with Roman ways, but his own bitterest enemy as well. Hasdrubal plainly showed that when he met him face to face, Scipio seemed even more marvellous than in his achievements in war, and that he did not doubt Syphax and his kingdom would soon be in the power of the Romans ; such skill did the man possess in winning men over.^ And so, he said, it was not so essential for the Carthaginians to inquire how their Spanish provinces had been lost as to con- sider how they were still to hold Africa. It was not as a traveller, nor as one w^ho idles along beautiful shores, that so great a Roman general had left a newly subdued province, had left his armies, and with only two ships had crossed over to Africa and en- trusted himself to an enemy's land, to a king's power, to a man's untested honour ; on the contrary he was cherishing a hope of conquering Africa. It had long

^ A single sentence remains from Poly bins' account of this meeting of the three and their conversation (XI. xxiv*. 4), here reflected by Livy.

^ in potestatem N'{biU after Tegiani)A'JK Aldus, Froben :

77

animo, hoc palam fremere, quod non quemad- modum Hannibal in Italia, sic Scipio in Africa bellum 12 gereret. Scipio, foedere icto cum Syphace, pro- fectus ex Africa dubiisque et plerumque saevis in alto iactatus ventis die quarto Novae Carthaginis portum tenuit.

XIX. Hispaniae sicut a bello Punico quietae erant, ita quasdam civitates propter conscientiam culpae metu magis quam fide quietas esse apparebat, quarum maxume insignes et magnitudine et noxa

2 Iliturgi et Castulo erant. Castulo, cum prosperis rebus socii fuissent, post caesos cum exercitibus Scipiones defecerat ^ ad Poenos ; Iliturgitani pro- dendis qui ex ilia clade ad eos perfugerant inter-

3 ficiendisque scelus etiam defectioni addiderant. In eos populos primo adventu, cum dubiae Hispaniae essent, merito magis quam utiliter saevitum foret ;

4 tunc iam tranquillis rebus quia tempus expetendae poenae videbatur venisse, accitum ab Tarracone L. Marcium cum tertia parte copiarum ad Castulonem oppugnandum mittit, ipse cum cetero exercitu

5 quintis fere ^ ad Iliturgin castris pervenit. Clausae

1 defecerat Sp?JK Frohen 2 : -rant P{\)N.

2 fere Jx : ferre P : ferme P*(l)iV Aldus, Frohen : om. K.

^ The last previous mention of a town of this name was XX\'I. xvii. 4. That was about 175 miles in a straight line from New Carthage, and in a quite unthinkable direction for retreating Romans. Amtorgis, where the two brothers separated, cannot be identified (XXV. xxxii. 5, 9). Iliturgi has taken the place here of a town less well known, perhaps that of Pliny's Ilorci (the rogus Scipionis, i.e. of Gnaeus, N.H. III. 9; Ilurgia in App. Hi^p. 32, Ilourgeia in Polybius, XI. xxiv. .sub. fin., a fragment which seems to belong here, Dindorf ). This may be modern Lorca, on a tributary of the Tader, about 40 miles west of Cartagena ; so Ed. Meyer, Kl. Schr. II. 445 f.

78

BOOK XXVIII. XVIII. ii-xix. 5

been Scipio's constant reflection, his open complaint, b.c 206 he added, that he was not waging war in Africa, as Hannibal was in Italy. Scipio, after making a treaty with Syphax, set sail from Africa, and tossed in open sea by unsteady winds, mostly violent, he reached the harbour of New Carthage on the fourth day.

XIX. Although the Spanish provinces were having a respite from a Carthaginian war, still it was evident that on account of a guilty conscience certain states were quiet out of fear rather than because of loyalty. Most conspicuous both for size and guilt among these were Iliturgi ^ and Castulo.^ Although in favourable times its citizens had been allies, Castulo, after the Scipios had been slain with their armies, had revolted to the Carthaginians. The men of Iliturgi, by betraying and slaying those who from that disaster had fled to them for refuge, had added a crime also to their reVolt. On Scipio's first coming, when the •Spanish provinces were wavering, vengeance upon those states would have been deserved but not politic. Now, however, since in a time of peace the moment for exacting the penalty seemed to have arrived, he summoned Lucius Marcius from Tarraco and sent him with a third of his forces to lay siege to Castulo. He himself with the rest of the army reached Iliturgi in about five stages. The gates had been closed and

and Schulten in Hermes LXIII. 288 If. Or possibly Lorqui on the Tader, 35 miles north-west of Cartagena ; so Scullard, 143. Cf. Cambridge Ancient History VIII. 90.

2 Cf. xiii. 4; XXIV. xli. 7. Here App. I.e. has Castax. unknown and an improbable form, but accepted by Scullard, 144 and Hallward in C.A.H. I.e. Any argument for rejecting Castulo is less cogent than in the case of Iliturgi. We may have our doubts, however, about an advance so far to the west unsupported except by the annalistic tradition. Cf. Kahr- stedt in Meltzer, Geschichte der Karthager III. 495 ff.

79

LIVY

erant portae omniaque instructa et parata ad oppug- nationem arcendam ; adeo conscientia quid se meritos

6 scirent pro indicto eis bello fuerat. Hinc et hortari milites Scipio orsus est : ipsos claudendo portas indicasse Hispanos quid ut timerent meriti essent. Itaque multo infestioribus animis cum eis quam cum

7 Carthaginiensibus bellum gerendum esse ; quippe cum illis prope sine ira de imperio et gloria certari, ab his perfidiae et crudelitatis et sceleris poenas

8 expetendas esse. Venisse ^ tempus quo et nefandam commilitonum necem et in semet ipsos, si eodem fuga delati forent, instructam fraudem ^ ulciscerentur, et in omne tempus gravi documento sancirent ne quis umquam Romanum civem militemve ^ in ulla fortuna opportunum iniuriae duceret.

9 Ab hac cohortatione ducis incitati scalas electis per manipulos viris dividunt, partitoque exercitu ita ut parti alteri Laelius praeesset legatus, duobus simul

10 locis ancipiti terrore urbem adgrediuntur. Non dux* unus aut plures principes oppidanos., sed suus ipsorum ex ^ conscientia culpae metus ad defendendam

11 inpigre urbem hortatur. Et meminerant et admone bant alii alios ^ supplicium ex se, non victoriam peti ; ubi quisque mortem oppeteret, id referre, utrum in pugna et in acie, ubi NIars communis et victum saepe

1 esse. Venisse Sp?N*JK Froben -2, Eds. {with evenisse Aldus) : sevenisse P : evenisse P^{1)X Conicay : venisse X^.

2 fraudem X'JK Aldus, Froben : tradem P : stragem P2(3).V.

3 -ve C Aldus, Frobev, Eds.: vel P[\)X : -que X'JK Conway.

* ex Sp?X'JK Froben 2 : om. P{1).V Aldus. ^ alii alios x Sigonius, Madvig : alios P{\)X Aldxis, Froben Eds. : om. JK.

8o

BOOK XXVIII. XIX. 5-1 1

everything disposed and prepared to resist an attack, b.c. 206 So true was it that consciousness of what they knew they had deserved had meant as much for them as a declaration of war. With this point also Scipio opened his speech of encouragement to his soldiers, saying that the Spaniards by closing their gates had themselves shown what they had deserved to fear. Consequently, he said, they must wage war against them with much more animosity than against the Carthaginians. With these it was a contest almost devoid of anger in pursuit of power and glory ; from the Iliturgians they must exact the penalty for treachery and cruelty and crime. The time had come for them to avenge the atrocious slaughter of their comrades and the perfidy which would have been brought to bear against themselves if in flight they had reached the same city. It was time also for them by a severe example to ordain that no one should ever account a Roman citizen or soldier in any mis- fortune as fair game for ill treatment.

Immediately after this exhortation from their general the officers, thoroughly aroused, issued ladders to men picked out of one maniple after another, and dividing the army so that Laelius as lieutenant should command one half, they attacked the city in two places at the same time, causing a double alarm. It was not a single commander or a number of leading men that urged the citizens gallantly to defend the city, but their own fear due to consciousness of guilt. They remembered and reminded one another also that the aim was their punishment, not victory ; that when every man perished what mattered most was whether he did so in battle and in the line, where the fortune of the fray,

81

LIVY

12 erigeret et adfligeret victorem, an postmodo, cremata - et diruta urbe, ante ora captarum coniugum libero- rumque, inter verbera et Wncula, omnia foeda atque

13 indigna passi exspirarent. Igitur non militaris modo aetas aut \'iri tantura, sed feminae puerique super ^ animi corporisque vires adsunt, propugnantibus ^ tela ministrant, saxa in muros munientibus gerunt-

14 Non libertas solum agebatur. quae virorum fortium tantum pectora acuit, sed ultima omnibus ^ supplicia et foeda mors ob oculos erat. Accendebantur animi et certamine laboris ac periculi atque ipso inter se

15 conspectu. Itaque tanto ardore certamen initum est ut domitor ille totius Hispaniae exercitus ab unius oppidi iuventute saepe repulsus a muris baud satis

16 decoro proelio trepidaret.* Id ubi vidit Scipio. veritus ne vanis tot ^ conatibus suorum et hostibus ^ cresceret animus et segnior miles fieret, sibimet conandum ac partem periculi capessendam e<^se ratus, increpita ignavia militum ferri scalas iubet et se ipsum,

17 si ceteri cunctentur, escensurum minatur. lam subierat baud mediocri periculo moenia, cum clamor undique ab sollicitis vicem imperatoris militibus sublatus, scalaeque multis simul partibus erigi

18 coeptae; et ex altera parte Laelius institit. Tum

^ super P[l)XJK : supra Aldus, Froben.

2 propugnantibus JK Aldus, Froben, Luchs (obp- .V'; . pugnantibus P{\)N Eds., Conxcay.

3 omnibus JK Aldus, Froben, Riemann, Conway : omnium P{l)X Eds.

* trepidaret P(1)X Aldus : -darit SpK Froben 2 : -dant J. 5 tot SpX'JK Froben 2 : am. P{l)X AMvs.

* suorum et hostibus om. Spz.

82

BOOK XXVIII. XIX. 11-18

making no distinctions, often lifted up the defeated b.c. 206 and dashed down the victor, or whether later, when their city was in ashes and ruins, there before the faces of their captured wives and children, after enduring every outrage and indignity, they breathed their last under the scourge and in chains. Accord- ingly not merely those of military age or men alone, but women and children also helped beyond their powers of mind and body, bringing up weapons for the fighting men and carrying stones for the builders up to the wall. The stake was not freedom only, which whets the courage of brave men alone, but ^all had before their eyes extreme penalties and a hideous death. Bravery was kindled by emulation in toil and danger and by the mere sight of one another. And so the battle was begun with such heat that that famous army, the conqueror of all Spain, was repeatedly beaten back from the walls by the young men of a single town and thrown into disorder in an inglorious battle. When Scipio saw this, he was afraid that, owing to so many vain at- tempts made by his men, the enemy's spirits might be cheered and his own soldiers lose heart. Thinking that he must himself make the attempt and claim a share in the danger, he berated the soldiers for their cowardice, ordered ladders to be brought up, and threatened that if the rest hesitated he would climb up himself. Already at no small risk ^ he had come close to the walls when from all sides an outcry was made by the soldiers, who were concerned for their commander and began to set up ladders in many places at the same time ; and on the other side Laelius pressed the attack. Then the resistance of

^ App. Hiaji. 32 has him wounded; Zonaras IX. x. 2.

83

LR-Y

\-icta oppidanorum vis, deiectisque propugnatoribus occupantur muri.

Arx etiam ab ea parte qua ^ inexpugnabilis vide- batur inter tumultum capta est. XX. Transfugae ^j, Afri, qui turn inter auxilia Romana erant, et oppidanis jjj,,

2 in ea tuenda unde periculum Wdebatur versis et ^]^ Romanis subeuntibus ^ . . . qua adire poterant, conspexerunt editissimam urbis partem, quia ^ jj,^ rupe praealta tegebatur, neque opere ullo munitam et ^

3 ab defensoribus vacuam, Levium corporum homines et multa exercitatione pernicium, clavos secum ferreos ^ portantes, qua per inaequaliter eminentia rupis pote- i'

4 rant scandunt. Sicubi nimis arduum et leve saxum ^ j^j^ occurrebat, clavos per modica intervalla figentes cum „ velut gradus fecissent, primi insequentes * extra- ^ij^ hentes manu, postremi sublevantes eos qui prae se

5 irent,^ in summum evadunt. Inde decurrunt cum

6 clamore in urbem iam captam ab Romanis. Tum • vero apparuit ab ira et ab odio urbem oppugnatam n esse. Nemo capiendi vivos, nemo patentibus ad direptionem omnibus praedae memor est ; trucidant inermes iuxta atque armatos, feminas pariter ac viros ; usque ad infantium caedem ira crudelis per- ji

7 venit. Ignem deinde tectis iniciunt ac diruunt quae incendio absumi nequeunt ; adeo vestigia quoque

w qua F'ynAN Aldus, Eds. : quae P{3}R^SpJK Froben 2. j,

2 subeuntibus, /o?Zoue(/ by s.c. tr. in P{S)X, the meaningless " abbreviation apparently representing something unintelligible in P's archetype. Aldus supplied sealis moenia, Alschefski, contra. jul

^ quia Sp? Froben 2, Lucks, Conway : quae P{\)NJK Aldus, Eds. .

* insequentes [or -is) Sp^X'JK Froben 2 : sequentis {or ^^ -tes) P{\}N Aldus.

84

BOOK XXVIII. XIX. 18-XX. 7

the to"vvnsmen was broken and, once the defenders b.c. 206 had been dislodged, the walls were occupied.

The citadel also in the midst of the confusion was captured from the side on which it appeared to be impregnable. XX. African deserters, who w^ere at that time in the Roman auxiliaries, just when the townsmen had turned to the defence of places where the danger was evident, while at the same time the Romans kept coming up . . . by any possible approach, caught sight of a very lofty part of the city lacking any kind of fortifications, lacking defenders as well, because it was protected by a very high cliff. Men of light build and nimble, thanks to much training, they carried iron spikes A\'ith them and climbed up wherever they could over the irregular projections of the cliff. Wherever they encountered rock too steep and smooth, by driving in spikes at suitable intervals they made something like steps. Then while the first men with their hands drew up those who followed and the last pushed up those ahead of them, they made their way up to the summit. Thence they dashed down with a shout into the city already captured by the Romans. It was then in truth evident that the city had been attacked out of anger and hatred. No one thought of taking men alive, no one thought of booty, although every place was open for plunder. They slaughtered the unarmed and the armed alike, women as well as men ; cruel anger went even so far as to slay infants. Then they threw firebrands into houses and demohshed what could not be consumed by the flames. So delighted were they to destroy even the

•^ prae se irent SpPN'JK Froben 2 : praeirent P{\)N Aldus.

85

urbis exstinguere ac delere memoriam hostium sedis cordi est.

8 Castulonem inde Scipio exercitum ducit, quam urbem non Hispani modo convenae, sed Punici etiam exercitus ex dissipata passim fuga reliquiae tutaban-

9 tur. Sed adventum Scipionis praevenerat fama cladis Iliturgitanorum, terrorque inde ^ ac desperatio

10 invaserat ; et in diversis causis cum sibi quisque con- sultum sine alterius respectu vellet, primo tacita suspicio, deinde aperta discordia secessionem inter

11 Carthaginienses atque Hispanos fecit. His Cerdu- belus, propalam deditionis auctor, Himilco Punicis auxiliaribus praeerat ; quos urbemque clam fide

12 accepta Cerdubelus Romano prodit. Mitior ea \dctoria fuit ; nee tantundem noxae admissum erat, et aliquantum irae lenierat voluntaria deditio.

XXI. Marcius inde in barbaros, si qui nondum perdomiti erant, sub ius dicionemque redigendos mis- sus. Scipio Carthaginem ad vota solvenda deis mu- nusque gladiatorium, quod mortis causa patris patrui-

2 que paraverat, edendum rediit. Gladiatorum spec- taculum fuit non ex eo genere hominum ex quo lanistis comparare mos est, serv'orum de catasta ac liberorum ^ qui venalem sanguinem habent : voluntaria omnis et

3 gratuita opera pugnantium fuit. Nam alii missi ab re- gulis sunt ad specimen insitae genti virtutis osten-

^ inde Sp? J K Froben 2: deinde P{l)N Aldus.

~ de catasta ac liberorum, corrected by Ursinus {but with aut) from de causa ac liberorum of SpN* (-torum J : -tinonim K): ac liberorum Weis^enbom: 07n.P{l)N, one line-, followed by Gronovius, with qui ve /or qui. 86

BOOK XXVIII. XX. 7 XXI. 3

traces of the city and to blot out the memory of b.c. 206 their enemies* abode.

Scipio then led his army to Castulo, a city defended not only by Spaniards from other places but also by remnants of the Carthaginian army after a scattering flight in every direction. But Scipio 's coming had been preceded by a report of the disaster at Iliturgi, and in consequence alarm and despair had taken possession. Also as their interests were different, since everyone wished to be safeguarded himself without regard to any one else, at first unexpressed suspicion, then open discord produced a separation between Carthaginians and Spaniards. The latter were commanded by Cerdubelus, an open advocate of surrender, the Punic auxiliaries by Himilco. After receiving a secret promise Cerdubelus betrayed gar- rison and city to the Roman commander. More mer- ciful was this victory. Not so serious a crime had been committed and voluntary surrender had greatly appeased their anger.

XXI. Marcius was thereupon sent to bring under Roman sway and authority any barbarians who had not yet been thoroughly subdued. Scipio returned to (New) Carthage to pay his vows to the gods and to conduct the gladiatorial show which he had prepared in honour of his deceased father and uncle. The exhibition of gladiators was not made up from the class of men which managers are in the habit of pitting against each other, that is, slaves sold on the platform and free men who are ready to sell their lives. In every case the service of the men who fought was voluntary and without compensation. For some were sent by their chieftains to display an example of the courage inbred in their tribe ; some declared on their

87

LIVY

4 dendum, alii ipsi professi se pugnaturos in gratiam ducis, alios aemulatio et certamen, ut provocarent

5 provocative ^ haud abnuerent traxit ; quidam quas disceptando controversias finire nequierant aut no- luerant, pacto ^ inter se ut victorem res sequeretur,

6 ferro decreverunt. Xeque obscuri generis homines sed clari inlustresque, Corbis et Orsua, patrueles fratres, de principatu ci\-itatis quam Ibem vocabant

7 ambigentes, ferro se certaturos professi sunt. Corbis maior erat aetate : Orsuae pater princeps proxime fuerat, a fratre niaiore post mortem eius principatu

8 accepto. Cum verbis disceptare Scipio vellet ac sedare iras, negatum id ambo dicere cognatis com- munibus. nee alium deorum hominumve quam Mar-

9 tem se iudicem habituros esse. Robore maior, minor flore aetatis ferox. mortem in certamine quam ut alter alterius imperio subiceretur praeoptantes, cum dirimi ab tanta rabie nequirent, insigne spectaculum exer- citui praebuere documentumque quantum cupiditas

10 imperii malum inter mortales esset. Maior usu armorum et astu facile stolidas vires minoris superavit. Huic gladiatorum spectaculo ludi funebres additi pro copia provinciali et castrensi apparatu.

XXII. Res interim nihilo minus ab legatis gere- bantur. Marcius superato Baete amni. quem incolae Certim appellant, duas opulentas ci\'itates sine cer-

1 -ve P(l)N Aldus : -que Sp?JK Frohen 2.

2 pacto P{l)XSp?JK Froben 2 : pacti x Aldus, Madvig, Riemann.

* Only here, site unknown, unless it be Ibi, 12 miles north- north-west of Alicante (Castrum Album, XXIV. xli. 3). - Another local name was Perces; Steph. Byz. 156. 9.

BOOK XXVIII. XXI. 3-xxii. i

own motion that they would fight to please the b.c. 206 general ; in other cases rivalry and the desire to compete led them to challenge or, if challenged, not to refuse. Some who had been unable or unwilling to end their differences by a legal hearing, after agreeing that the disputed property should fall to the victor, settled the matter with the sword. Men also of no obscure family but conspicuous and distin- guished, Corbis and Orsua, being cousins and com- peting for the post of chief of a city called Ibes,^ declared that they would contend with the sword. Corbis was the older in years. Orsua's father had lately been chief, having succeeded to an elder brother's rank upon his death. When Scipio desired to settle the question by a hearing and to calm their anger, they both said they had refused that request to their common relatives, and that they were to have as their judge no other god or man than Mars. The older man was confident in his strength, the younger in the bloom of his youth, each pre- ferring death in the combat rather than to be subject to the rule of the other. Since they could not be made to give up such madness, they furnished the army a remarkable spectacle, demonstrating how great an evil among mortals is the ambition to rule. The older man by his skill with arms and by his cunning easily mastered the brute strength of the younger. In addition to this gladiatorial show there were funeral games so far as the resources of the province and camp equipment permitted.

XXII. Meantime operations were carried on no less actively by the lieutenants. Marcius after crossing the river Baetis, which the inhabitants call Certis,^ accepted the surrender of two rich cities without an

89

2 tamine in deditionem accepit. Astapa urbs erat,^ Carthaginiensium semper partis ; neque id tam dig- num ira erat quam quod extra necessitates belli

3 praecipuum in Romanes gerebant odium. Nee urbem aut situ aut munimento tutam habebant quae fero- ciores iis animos faceret ; sed ingenia incolarum latro- cinio laeta ut excursiones in finitimum agrum socio- rum populi Romani facerent impulerant et vagos milites Romanos lixasque et mercatores exciperent.

4 Magnum etiam comitatum, quia paucis parum tutum fuerat, transgredientem fines positis insidiis circum-

5 ventum iniquo loco interfecerant.^ Ad banc urbem oppugnandam cum admotus exercitus esset, oppidani conscientia scelerum, quia nee deditio tuta ad tam infestos videbatur, neque spes moenibus aut armis tuendae salutis erat, facinus in se ac suos foedum ac

6 ferum consciscunt. Locum in foro destinant quo prfttiosissima rerum suarum congererent. Super eum cumulum coniuges ac liberos considere cum iussissent, ligna circa exstruunt ^ fascesque \-irgultorum coni-

7 ciunt. Quinquaginta deinde armatis iuvenibus prae- cipiunt ut, donee incertus eventus pugnae esset, praesidium eo loco fortunarum suarum corporumque

8 quae cariora fortunis essent servarent ; si rem inclinatam viderent atque in eo iam esse ut urbs caperetur, scirent omnes quos euntes in proelium

1 BTSit X'JK Aldus, Frohen : om. P{l)N.

' int-erfecerant Sp? Frohen 2 : -erunt P{1)XJK Aldus.

3 exstruunt A^?X' or XUK Ed.s. : extrui (or exst-) P{l)X.

^ Ostippo in Pliny N.H. III. 12 and inscriptions; now Estepa, 70 miles east-south-east of Seville. App. Hisp. 33 retells the tale.

90

BOOK XXVIII. XXII. 1-8

engagement. There was the city of Astapa,^ always b.o. on the side of the Carthaginians ; and this did not so much justify anger as that they bore a particular hatred against the Romans over and abov^ the exi- gencies of war. Nor did they have sfe-^ty secure either by reason of its situation or fortifications to make them over-confident. But their natural delight in brigandage had impelled the inhabitants to make raids into adjoining territory of allies of the Roman people and to capture stray Roman soldiers and sutlers and merchants. Even a caravan — large because there had been too little safety for small numbers — crossing their territory had been entrapped in an un- favourable spot by an ambuscade and cut to pieces. When the army had been brought up to lay siege to this city, the men of the town, prompted by a guilty conscience, because neither surrender to an enemy so incensed seemed safe nor was there any hope of defending their lives by walls and arms, resolved to carry out against themselves and their families a brutal and barbarous act.^ A spot in the market- place was selected where they were to bring together their most valuable possessions. Having ordered their wives and children to sit down upon that heap they piled up wood all around and threw on bundles of brush. They then instructed fifty armed young men to keep guard at that place, so long as the issue of the battle was uncertain, over their treasures and over persons that were dearer than treasures. If they should see that the battle had gone against them and the city was on the point of being captured, they were to know that all those whom they now saw

2 Cf. XXI. xiv, the similar conduct of the Saguntines, and XXXI. xvii, Abydus; cf. Polybius XVI. xxxi. fif.

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9 cemerent mortem in ipsa pugna obituros ; illos se per deos superos inferosque orare ut memores liber- tatis, quae illo die aut morte honesta aut servitute infami finienda esset, nihil relinquerent in quod

10 saevire iratus hostis posset. Ferrum ignemque in manibus esse ; amicae ac fideles potius ea quae peritura forent ^ absumerent manus quam insul-

11 tarent superbo ludibrio hostes. His adhortationibus exsecratio dira adiecta. si quern a proposito spes moUi- tiave animi flexisset.

Inde concitato agmine patentibus portis ingenti

12 cum tumultu erumpunt. Xeque erat ulla satis firma statio opposita. quia nihil minus quam ut ^ egredi obsessi ^ moenibus auderent timeri poterat. Per- paucae equitum turmae levisque armatura repente

13 e castris ad id ipsum emissa occurrit. Acrior impetu atque animis quam compositior uUo ordine ** pugna fuit. Itaque pulsus eques qui primus se hosti obtulerat terrorem intulit levi armaturae ; pugna- tumque sub ipso vallo foret, ni robur legionum per- exiguo ad instruendum dato tempore aciem direxis-

14 set. Ibi quoquetrepidatumparumper circa signa est, cum caeci furore in volnera ac ferrum vecordi audacia ruerent ; dein vet us miles, adversus temerarios im- petus pertinax, caede ^ primorum insequentes sup-

^ forent Jx Frohen 2 : fuerant K : essent Pil)X Aldus.

2 ut P{l)yJK Eds., Conway : ne Madvig, Luchs, M. Mailer.

' obsessi Weissenborn : posset P(^jX : hostes Jac. Grono- rp/?, Johnson : am. CA* or A^.JK Aldus, Frohen, Eds., Comvay.

* ullo ordine P(\)XK Aldus: ordine ullo J Frozen 2, Con way.

* caede, following this word P{l)X have a long misplaced passage which begins at our chapter xxxvii. 9 (conscriptis) and extends to XXIX. i. 24 (imperio). The dislocation was noted by later hands an^l corrected in H.J K from Sp {see p. 212, n. .3).

92

BOOK XXVIII. XXII. 8-14

marching out to battle would meet death where they b.c. 206 were fighting. They implored them, they said, by the gods above and below to remember the freedom which must be brought to an end that day either by an honourable death or an infamous slavery, and leave nothing upon which an angry enemy might vent his fury. Sword and firebrand were in their hands ; let friendly and loyal hands destroy all that was doomed to perish, rather th^^n have the enemy offer indignities with insolent mockery. To these ex- hortations they added a dreadful curse, in case hope or weakness of character should turn any one from their purpose.

Then at the double they burst out of wide-opei. gates with a great uproar. And no outpost in sufficient strength had been stationed to face them, since nothing less could be feared than that the besieged should venture to sally out from the walls. A very few troops of cavalry and such light-armed infantry as were suddenly sent out of the camp for that very purpose encountered them. The battle was fierce in courageous onslaught rather than regular in any formation. Accordingly the horse- men who had been the first to confront the enemy were beaten back and brought panic to the light- armed. The fighting would also have been directly outside the earthwork had not the heavy legionary infantry drawn up their line of battle in spite of the very short time given them to form. Even there for a short time there was some alarm in the front line, while men blinded by frenzy dashed on to meet wounds and steel with mad recklessness. Then the veteran soldiers, steadfast against rash attacks, by slaying the first men checked those who followed.

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LIVY

15 pressit. Conatus paulo post ultro inferre pedem, ut neminem cedere atque obstinates mori in vestigio quemque suo vidit, patefacta acie, quod ut facere posset multitude armatorum facile suppeditabat, cornua hostium amplexus, in orbem pugnantes ad unum omnes occidit.

XXIII. Atque haec tamen caedes ab impetu ^ hostium iratorum ac tum maxime dimicantium iure ^

2 belli in armatos repugnantesque edebatur ; ^ foedior alia in urbe trucidatio erat, cum turbam feminarum puerorumque inbellem inermemque * cives sui caederent et in succensum rogum semianima pleraque inicerent corpora, rivique sanguinis flammam orientem restinguerent ; postremo ipsi, caede miseranda suorum fatigati, cum armis medio incendio se

3 iniecerunt. lam caedi perpetratae victores Roman! supervenerunt. Ac primo conspectu tam foedae

4 rei mirabundi parumper obstupuerunt ; dein cum aurum argentumque cumulo rerum aliarum inter- fulgens ^ aviditate ingenii humani rapere ex igni vellent, con-epti alii flamma sunt, alii ambusti adflatu vaporis, cum receptus primis urgente ab tergo

5 ingenti ^ turba non esset. Ita Astapa sine praeda militum ferro ignique absumpta est. Marcius ceteris

^ caedes ab impetu, supplied here by M. Miiller : Weissen- born supplied vis et impetus after dimicantium [uith edebant) ; Madvig, odium {ivith edebat) ; Johnson and Conimy, in morem after iratorum {and with edebantur). Something is lacking in P{l)XJK Aldus, Froben.

* iure belli in armatos re- om. P{1}N, one line, found in A'N'JK Aldus, Froben.

=» edebatur JK : -bantur MK-i'X' Aldus, Froben : -ba P : -bam CRMBD : -bant C^AX.

* -que ^(1)^"^ AVlns : om. SpJK Froben 2, Conway.

5 interfulgens S'{altem.) JK Eds. : interfluens P(1)A^.

94

BOOK XXVIII. XXII. 14-xxin. 5

A little later, venturing to take the offensive, when b.c. 206 they saw no one giving way and every man resolutely dying in his tracks, they extended their line, as superior numbers of armed men made it possible for them to do, outflanked the enemy, and as they fought in circular formation slew them to the last man.

XXIII. Such slaughter, however, arose from the attack of a furious enemy, fighting at that moment according to the law of war against armed men resisting. More horrible was another butchery within the city, when their own citizens were slaying an unai-med, unresisting throng of women and children and throwing bodies, very often only half-dead, upon a pyre they had lighted, and streams of blood were putting out the rising flames. Finally the men, exhausted by the pitiful slaying of their own kin, threw themselves and their arms into the midst of the fire. The slaughter was already finished when the victorious Romans arrived. And at the first sight of so terrible a scene they stood for a little while stunned with amazement. Then, when gold and silver glistened in the heap of other objects and with the eagerness which is natural to man they were trying to snatch them from the flames, some caught fire them- selves, others were scorched by the hot blast,* since those in front had no way of escape, while the mass of men pressed upon them from the rear. Thus was Astapa destroyed by sword and fire without booty for the soldiers. Marcius, having received the

^ Here Polybius' narrative survives in a single sentence about frantic efforts to recover gold and silver, XI. xxiv. 11.

* ab tergo ingenti Sp?N* Frohen 2 : ingenti JK Aldus : om. P{l)N.

95

LIVY

eius regionis metu in deditionem acceptis victorem exercitum Carthaginem ad Scipionem reduxit.

6 Per eos ipsos dies perfugae a Gadibus venerunt pollicentes urbem Punicumque praesidium quod in ea urbe esset et imperatorem praesidii cum classe pro-

7 dituros esse.^ Mago ibi ex fuga substiterat, na\i- busque in Oceano collectis aliquantum auxiliorum et trans fretum ex Africa ^ ora et ex proximis Hispaniae

S locis per Hannonem praefectum coegerat. Fide accepta dataque perfugis, et Marcius eo cum expeditis cohortibus et Laelius cum ^ septem triremibus, quin- queremi una est missus, ut terra marique communi consilio rem gererent.

XXIV. Scipio ipse gravi morbo implicitus, gra- \iore tamen fama, cum ad id quisque quod audierat insita hominibus * libidine alendi de industria rumores adiceret aliquid, provinciam omnem ac maxima

2 longinqua eius turbavit ; apparuitque quantam ex- citatura molem vera fuisset clades, cum vanus rumor tantas procellas exciWsset. Non socii in fide, non

3 exercitus in officio mansit. Mandonius et Indibilis, quibus, quia regnum sibi Hispaniae pulsis inde Carthaginiensibus destinarant animis, nihil pro spe

4 contigerat, concitatis popularibus — Lacetani autem

^ esse om. JK Conxmy.

^ ex Africa (africae P*)P{\)y Aldus, Frohen: africae SpJK. ^ expeditis . . . cum A*y'{om. cnxn)JK Aldus, Frohen : om.P{l)N.

* hominibus N'JK Eds. : hominum P(l)xV.

1 Cf. Vol. VII. pp. 279, n. 4; 282, n. 1; below, xxv. 11; XXIX. i. 19 and iii. 1 ff.

2 Probably an error for Laeetani; in the north-east corner

96

BOOK XXVIII. XXIII. 5-xxiv. 4

surrender of all the other tribes of that region owing b.c. 206 to their fear, led his victorious army back to Scipio at (New) Carthage.

About the same time came deserters from Gades promising to betray the city and the Punic garrison in that city and the commander of the garrison to- gether with the fleet. Mago after his flight had halted there, and having assembled ships on the Ocean, he had gathered up a considerable force of auxiliaries both from the African coast across the strait and from the nearest places in Spain with the help of Hanno, the prefect. Promises were received from the deserters and given them, and Marcius with cohorts lightly equipped and Laelius also with seven triremes and one quinquereme were sent thither, to carry on the campaign by land and sea with a single plan.

XXIV. Scipio himself fell ill with an alarming malady, but still more alarming as reported, since everyone added something to what he had heard, with the inbred human passion for purposely mag- nifying rumours. His illness agitated the whole province and especially the distant parts of it. And how serious a situation would have been created if the fatality had been real was evident, since an empty report had stirred up such tempests. Allies did not remain loyal, nor the army mindful of duty. Man- doniiis and Indibilis,^ because they had reckoned upon a kingdom of Spain for themselves when the Carth- aginians should be expelled from it, and yet nothing to match their hopes had come to them, stirred up their countrymen — and they were Lacetani ^ — called

of Spain around Bare Ino (Barcelona); xxxiv. 4; XXI. xxiii. 2; XXXIV. XX. 2.

97

VOL. VIII. _ E

LIVY

erant — et iuventute Celtiberorum excita agrum Suessetanum Sedetanumque sociorum populi Romani hostiliter depopulati sunt.

5 Civilis alius furor in castris ad Sucronem ortus. Octo ibi milia militum erant, praesidium gentibus

G quae cis Hiberum incolunt inpositum. Motae autem eorum mentes sunt non turn primum cum de vita imperatoris dubii rumores ^ allati sunt, sed iam ante licentia ex diutino, ut fit, otio conlecta, et non nihil quod in hostico laxius rapto suetis vivere artiores in

7 pace res erant. Ac primo sermones tantum occulti serebantur: si bellum in provincia esset, quid sese inter pacatos facere ? si debellatum iam et confecta

8 provincia esset, cur in Italiam non revehi ? Flagi- tatum quoque stipendium procacius quam ex more et modestia militari erat, et ab custodibus probra in circumeuntes \igilias tribunes iacta, et noctu quidam praedatum in agrum circa pacatum ierant ; postremo interdiu ac propalam sine commeatu ab signis

9 abibant. Omnia libidine ac licentia militum, nihil institute ac ^ disciplina militiae aut imperio eorum

10 qui praeerant gerebatur. Forma tamen Romanorum castrorum constabat una ea re ^ quod tribunos, ex

^ rumores om. P{l)y.

2 ac JK Froben 2 : aut P{l)N Aldus, Conway. ^ re Weissenhorn, Eds. : spe P{1)NJK Aldus, Froben, Conway {who conjs. qua. for quod) : specie Freinsheim.

^ Also north of the Ebro and near the coast; xxxi. 7; XXIX. i. 26. So were the Suessetani, enemies in XXV. xxxiv. 6, but now allies, neighbours of the Edetani across the river.

- The town of the same name on the river (now the Jiicar). Xear it Pompey fought against Sertorius; Plutarch Serf. 19; Pomp. 19; App. B.C. I. 110. Livy's source for the nanative of this mutiny was Polybius XI. xxv-xxx. Cf. App. Hidp. 34 ff. It remained a mutiny to the end (xxix, 12). The only citizens were (1) Romans in the armv, and (2) Italian 98

BOOK XXVIII. XXIV. 4-10

out the young men of the Celtiberians and ravaged b.c. 206 the territory of the Suessetani and Sedetani,^ allies of the Roman people, in warlike fashion.

From citizens sprang a different outbreak in the camp near Sucro.^ Eight thousand soldiers were there, posted as a garrison for the tribes dwelling on this side of the Ebro. Their disloyalty, however, was not just beginning when unsubstantiated reports of the general's imminent danger reached them, but existed even before, owing to the usual licence result- ing from long inaction. It was also to some extent because men accustomed to live unrestrainedly on plunder in an enemy's territory felt the pinch of peace-time. And at first they merely engaged in secret conversations : If there was a war in the prov- ince, what were they doing among people already pacified ? If the war was over now and the province set in order, why were they not transported back to Italy ? They made demands also for their pay with more petulance than accorded with the customary self-control of the soldier ; and sentries heaped reproaches on tribunes making the rounds of the guard, and at night some men had gone out for plunder into peaceful country all around. Finally by day and openly without permission they would leave their standards. Everything was being done in accordance with the whim and fancy of the soldiers, nothing according to the traditions and discipline of the service or the orders of superior officers. The outward appearance, however, of a Roman camp was maintained in this alone, that, believing the

allies serving with them (xxxii. 6). There can be no hint of civil war in civilis furor, for the theme now to be developed was announced in § 2, non exercitus, etc.

99

LIVY

contagione furoris haud expertes seditionis defec- tionisque rati fore, et iura reddere in principiis sine- bant et signum ab eis petebant et in stationes ac

11 vigilias ordine ^ ibant ; et ut \'im imperii abstulerant, ita speciem dicto parentium ultro ipsi ^ imperantes ser^abant.

12 Erupit deinde seditio, postquam reprehendere atque inprobare tribunes ea quae fierent et conari obnam ire et propalam abnuere furoris eorum se

13 futuros socios senserunt. Fugatis itaque e principiis ac post paulo e castris tribunis, ad principes sedi- tionis, gi-egarios milites, C. Albium Calenum et C. Atrium Umbrum, delatum omnium consensu im-

14 perium est. Qui nequaquam tribuniciis contenti ornamentis, insignia etiam summi imperii, fasces securesque, attrectare ausi ; neque eis ^ venit in mentem suis tergis suis * cervicibus virgas illas securesque imminere quas ad metum aliorum prae-

15 ferrent. Mors Scipionis falso credita obcaecabat animos, sub cuius volgatam mox ^ famam non dubita-

16 bant totam Hispaniam arsuram bello ; in eo tumultu et sociis pecunias imperari et diripi propinquas urbes posse ; et turbatis rebus, cum omnia omnes auderent, minus insignia fore quae ipsi fecissent. XXV. Cum alios subinde recentes nuntios non mortis modo, sed etiam funeris exspectarent, neque superveniret

^ ordine Sp?JK Frohen 2: in ordinem P[l)y Aldus: in orbem Madvig.

2 ipsi C^y»{aUem.)JK Aldus, Frohen: si im P: si P"{l){C?)N : 6\h\ M'^A'^ : sibi ipsi Conii-ay.

^ neque eis S'JK Aldus, Frohen, Conicay : nequem P{\)N : neque PO/i£fZ.s.

* suis Sp? Frohen 2, Conway: suLsque P{\)NJK Aldus, Eds.

^ mox P{\)y : iam S'JK AMu-^, Frohen, Conicay.

100

BOOK XXVIII. XXIV. lo-xxv. i

tribunes, infected with their madness, would not fail b.c. 206 to share their mutiny and revolt, they permitted them to hear cases before the headquarters, went to them for the password and did outpost and guard duty in succession. Moreover, though they had robbed their command of power, yet they kept up a show of obedience while actually giving orders themselves. Then the mutiny broke out after they observed that the tribunes censured and disapproved of what was being done and were endeavouring actively to oppose it, also openly declaring that they would not be partners in their madness. Accordingly, chasing the tribunes out of the space before headquarters and soon after out of the camp, they by common consent bestowed the command upon the leaders of the mutiny, the privates Gains Albius of Gales and Gains Atrius, an Umbrian. These men, not at all satisfied with the distinguishing marks of tribunes, ventured to pollute the insignia of the very highest command, the fasces and axes. Nor did it occur to them that those rods and axes, which they caused to be carried before them to frighten others, were hanging over their own backs and their own necks. The unfounded belief in Scipio's death was the cause of their blind- ness and, once rumour of it should presently be spread abroad, they had no doubt that all Spain would be ablaze with war. In that uprising, they thought, money could be exacted from alUes, and also neigh- bouring cities plundered; and in the confusion, when any man would dare anything, what they had themselves done would be less conspicuous. XXV. While they waited from moment to moment for fresh news, expecting to hear not only of his death but even of his funeral, and yet none came and the groundless

lOT

LIVY

.u.c. quisquam, evanesceretque temere ortus rumor, turn

2 primi auctores requiri coepti. Et subtrahente se quoque, ut credidisse potius temere quam finxisse rem talem videri posset, destituti duces iam sua ipsi insignia et pro vana imagine imperii quod gererent veram iustamque mox in se versuram potestatem

3 horrebant. Stupente ^ ita seditione, cum vivere primo, mox etiam valere Scipionem certi auctores adferrent, tribuni militum septem ab ipso Scipione

4 missi supervenerunt.^ Ad quorum primum adven- tum exasperati animi ; mox ipsis placido sermone permulcentibus notos cum quibus congressi erant,

') leniti sunt. Circumeuntes enim tentoria primo, deinde in principiis praetorioque, ubi sermones inter se serentium circulos vi dissent, adloquebantur per- cunctantes magis quae caasa irae consternationisque

6 subitae foret quam factum accusantes. Volgo stipendium non datum ad diem iactabatur, et, cum eodem tempore quo scelus Iliturgitanorum ex- stitisset post duorum imperatorum duorumque ex- ercituum stragem sua virtute defensum nomen Romanum ac retenta pro\-incia esset, Iliturgitanos poenam noxae meritam habere, suis recte factis

7 gratiam qui exsolvat non esse. Talia querentes ^ aequa orare, seque ea relaturos ad imperatorem re- spondebant ; laetari quod nihil tristius nee insana-

^ stupent€ P[\)Eds. : stupenti {with seditioni) JK Luchs, Riemann : -ebant N.

2 ab ipso Scipione missi supervenerunt SpPJK Froben 2, Luchs, Conicuy : qui ab ipso Scipione sunt P(3) {with sunt missi ^4.V, while xV* culds supervenere, arid N-' deletes qui). Possibly qui is evidence for a lost cla use.

^ querentes, for this Riemann has querentibus.

^ Cf. xix. i. and n. 102

BOOK XXVIII. XXV. 1-7

report was losing hold, then its first sponsors began b.o. 206 to be sought out. And as one after another drew back, that he might be thought to have rashly believed such a thing rather than to have invented it, the deserted leaders were now alarmed at their own insignia and, in place of the empty semblance of com- mand which was theirs, at the real, duly bestowed authority that would presently turn against them. Thus when the mutiny was at a standstill and credible informants brought the news, first that Scipio was alive, and then that he was even well, seven tribunes of the soldiers arrived, being sent by Scipio himself. Upon their arrival there was at first irritation; soon after, as the tribunes themselves by mild words calmed acquaintances whom they had met, the men were less resentful. For going round at first among the tents, then in the headquarters square and before the general's tent, where they saw groups talking together, they would speak to the men, asking them what was the reason for their anger and their sudden mania, instead of finding fault with them for what they had done. A common complaint was that their pay had not been given them on the proper date ; also that, whereas at the time when the men of Iliturgi ^ had committed their crime, after the slaughter of the two commanders-in-chief and the two armies, the Roman name had been defended and the province retained by their own courage, yet, while the Ilitur- gians now had a due punishment' for their crime, there was no one to reward their own good deeds. In reply the tribunes said that those who complained of such matters only were making just pleas, and they would report them to the commander-in-chief. They were glad that there was nothing more serious

103

LI\Y

■^■^' bilius esset ; et P. Scipionem deum benignitate et rem publicam esse gratiae referendae.

8 Scipionem bellis adsuetum, ad seditionum pro- cellas rudem, sollicitum habebat res, ne aut exercitus

9 peccando aut ipse puniendo modum excederet. In praesentia, ut coepisset, leniter agi placuit et missis circa stipendiarias ciWtates exactoribus stipendii

10 spem propinquam facere ; et ^ edictum subinde pro- positum ut ad stipendium petendum convenirent Carthaginem, seu carptim partes ^ seu universi mal-

11 lent. Tranquillam seditionem iam ^ per se langues- centem repentina quies rebellantium Hispanorum fecit ; redierant enim in fines omisso incepto Mando- nius et Indibilis.. postquam vivere Scipionem allatum

12 est ; nee iam erat aut civis aut externus cum quo

13 furorem suum consociarent. Omnia circumspec- tantes consilia* nihil reliqui habebant praeter non^ tutissimum a malis consiliis receptum, ut imperatoris vel iustae irae vel non desperandae clementiae sese committerent : etiam hostibus eum ignovisse cum

1-i quibus ferro dimicasset ; suam seditionem sine volnere, sine sanguine fuisse, nee ipsam atrocem nee atroci poena dignam, — ut ingenia humana sunt ad suam

15 cuique levandam culpam nimio plus facunda.^ Ilia

^ facere; et JK Ly.ch-o, Conway: -eret et N' : fecere P{l)X : facere Aldus, Frohen.

2 partes P(ljA'' : per partes Gronovius : oiri, as a gloss Biemann.

3 iam X'JK Eds. : om. P(1)^V.

* consilia P(l)XJK Eds. : om. Gronovius, Conway. ° non P{l)NJK Eds.; unum Aldus, Froben, Conway: enim Sp.

104

BOOK XXVIII. XXV. 7-15

nor more incurable ; and by favour of the gods b.c. 206 Scipio and the republic, they said, ^yere in a position to show gratitude.

Scipio, who was familiar with wars but unacquainted with the gusts of mutinies, was kept in a state of con- cern lest either the army should go to excess in wrong-doing or he himself in punishing them. For the present he decided to use gentle measures, as he had begun to do, and to bring the hope of pay nearer by sending collectors round the tributary states. Next an edict was posted up that they should assemble at (New) Carthage to get their pay, whether they preferred to do so as separate units or all together. The mutiny, already of itself on the wane, was quelled by sudden peace on the part of the rebellious Spaniards. For Mandonius and Indibilis had aban- doned their project and retired to their borders when they had news that Scipio was alive. Nor was there either a fellow-citizen or foreigner any longer with whom the soldiers might share their madness. On surveying all possible plans they had nothing left except a not altogether safe retreat from criminal designs, namely, to give themselves up either to the commander's well-grounded anger or to his mercy, as not beyond their hopes. He had pardoned even enemies, they said, with whom he had fought with the sword ; their mutiny had been free from wounds, free from bloodshed, and neither in itself savage nor v, meriting a savage punishment. So unduly eloquent ' is human nature in minimizing one's own guilt.

« f&cnnd&A'm^orN'JKEds.: faciunda P(3)iy^ : f(o)ecunda Duker, Madvig 1863.

105

LIVY

dubitatio erat. singulaene cohortes an universi ad stipendium petendum irent. Inclina\-it sententia, quod tutius censebant, universes ire.

XX\ I. Per eosdem dies quibus haec illi consul-

2 tabant consilium de iis Carthagini erat, certabatur- que sententiis utrum in auctores tantum seditionis — erant autem ii numero baud plus quam quinque et triginta — animadverteretur, an plurium supplicio vindicanda tam foedi exempli defectio magis quam

3 seditio esset. \'icit sententia lenior ut, unde culpa orta esset, ibi poena consisteret ; ad multitudinem

4 castigationem satis esse. Consilio dimisso, ut id actum videretur, expeditio adversus Mandonium Indibilemque edicitur exercitui qui Carthagine erat et

5 cibaria dierum aliquot parare iubentur. Tribunis septem qui et antea Sucronem ad leniendam sedi- tionem ierant obviam exercitui missis quina nomina

6 principum seditionis edita sunt, ut eos per idoneos homines benigno voltu ac sermone in hospitium

7 in\itatos sopitosque ^ vino vincirent. Haud procul iam Carthagine aberant cum ex obviis auditum poster© die omnem exercitum cum M. Silano in Lacetanos proficisci non metu modo ^ omni qui tacitus insidebat animis liberavit eos, sed laetitiam ingentem fecit, quod magis habituri solum imperatorem quam

^ 3opitosquo A*X*JK Eda. : -que [om. sopitos) P{Z)R^. 2 modo A'X'JK Alius, Froben : om. P{l}N.

lo6

BOOK XXVIII. XXV. 15-XXVI. 7

The only question was whether to go in separate b.c. cohorts to get their pay, or all together. Their decision was that all should go together, which they thought safer.

XXVI. During the days on which they were thus deliberating there was a war-council in regard to them at (New) Carthage, and a conflict of opinions as to whether the leaders only of the mutiny — and they were not more than thirty-five in number — should be punished, or whether punishment of a larger number was required in penalizing, not a mutiny but rather a rebellion which set so terrible an example. The milder opinion prevailed, that punish- ment should be limited to those with whom the breach of discipline had begun, whereas for the mass a reprimand was enough. After the dismissal of the council, to give the impression that this was the matter discussed, an expedition against Mandonius and Indibilis was announced to the army which was at (New) Carthage, and they were ordered to make ready their rations for several days. The seven tribunes who had already gone to Sucro to repress the mutiny and were now sent to meet the army had each of them the names of five leaders of the mutiny assigned him, to have them invited with kindly countenance and words by suitable men to be their guests, lulled to sleep by wine and then bound. The mutineers were now not far from (New) Carthage when the news, heard from those they met, that on the next day the entire army would set out under Marcus Silanus against the Lacetani, not only relieved them of all fear which remained unexpressed in their minds, but caused great rejoicing that they would have the commander alone, rather than be themselves in his

107

8 ipsi futuri in potestate eius essent. Sub occasum solis urbem ingressi sunt exercitumque alterum

9 parantem omnia ad iter viderunt. Except! ser- monibus de industria compositis — laetum opportu- numque adventum eorum imperatori esse, quod sub ipsam profectionem alterius exercitus venissent —

10 corpora curant. Ab tribunis sine ullo tumultu auctores seditionis, per idoneos homines perducti in

11 hospitia, comprensi ac vincti sunt. Vigilia quarta impedimenta exercitus cuius ^ simulabatur iter proficisci coepere ; sub lucem signa mota, et ad por- tam retentum agmen custodesque circa omnes portas

12 missi, ne quis urbe egrederetur. Vocati deinde ad contionem qui pridie venerant, ferociter in forum ad tribunal imperatoris, ut ultro territuri succlama-

13 tionibusj concurrunt. Simul et imperator in tribunal escendit ^ et reducti armati a portis ^ inermi contioni

14 se ^ ab tergo circumfuderunt. Turn omnis ferocia concidit et, ut postea fatebantur, nihil aeque eos terruit quam praeter spem robur et colos imperatoris, quern adfectum visuros crediderant, voltusque qualem

15 ne in acie quidem aiebant meminisse. Sedit tacitus pauhsper, donee nuntiatum est deductos in forum

1 emus P{l)y J K Aldus : cui Sp? Froben 2. - escendit PCE : as- B^MBDAX Alius : con- Sp?JK Froben 2.

^ a portis before armati JK.

* contioni se P(3) : se contioni AXJK Aldus, Froben.

lo8

BOOK XXVIII. XXVI. 7-15

power. At sunset they entered the city and saw the b.c. 2O6 other army making every preparation for the march. Received with studied words of welcome — that their coming was a happy and timely thing for the general, in that they had arrived at the very time the other army was leaving — they took refreshment and rest. The tribunes, without causing any commotion, had the promoters of the mutiny brought by suitable persons to their hospitable quarters, then seized and bound. At the fourth watch the baggage of the army which, it was pretended, was to march away began to take the road. By daybreak the standards were in motion, but at the gate the column was halted and guards were sent round to all the gates, that no one should leave the city. Then the men who had arrived the day before, on being summoned to an assembly, rushed fiercely into the open space ^ and up to the general's platform, intending actually to intimidate him by their interruptions. At the same moment that the general mounted the platform the armed men brought back from the gates surrounded the unarmed assembly from the rear. Then all their fierceness failed them and, as they afterwards admitted, nothing alarmed them so much as the unexpected strength and healthy colour of the general whom they had believed they would see as an invalid, also an expression of his face such as, they said, they never remembered even in battle. He sat in silence for a moment, until the report reached him that the promoters of the mutiny had been

^ I.e. Polybius' ayopd (VI. xxxi. If.) to the right of the headquarters, not the similar space (also called forum) in which stood the quaestorium ; XLI. ii. 11.

109

LIVY

auctores seditionis et parata omnia esse. XXVII. Turn silentio per praeconem facto ita coepit :

" Numquam niihi defuturam orationem qua exer-

2 citum meum adloquerer credidi, non quo verba umquam potius quam res exercuerim, sed quia prope a pueritia in castris habitus adsueram militaribus in-

3 geniis ; apud vos quern ad modum loquar nee con- silium nee oratio suppeditat, quos ne quo nomine

4 quidem appellare debeam scio. Gives ? qui a patria vestra descistis. An milites ? qui imperium auspiciumque abnuistis, sacramenti religionem rupistis. Hostes ? Corpora, ora, vestitum, habitum civium adgnosco ; facta, dicta, consilia, animos

i> hostium video. Quid enim vos, nisi quod Ilergetes et ^ Lacetani, aut optastis aliud aut sperastis ? Et illi tamen Mandonium atque Indibilem, regiae nobilitatis viros, duces furoris secuti sunt; vos auspicium et imperium ad Umbrum Atrium et

6 Calenum Albium detulistis. Negate vos id omnes fecisse aut factum voluisse, milites ; paucorum eum furorem atque amentiam esse ; libenter credam negantibus ; nee enim ea sunt commissa quae, volgata in omnem exercitum, sine piaculis ingentibus expiari possint.^

7 " Invitus ea tamquam volnera attingo ; sed nisi

8 tacta tractataque sanari non possunt. Equidem pulsis Hispania Carthaginiensibus nullum locum tota

^ et JK Aldus, Frohen : aut P{l)-V : ac Drakenhorch conj.

2 possint P{l)X J K Eds. : -possent Biemann.

^ The following speech has few direct borrowings from the briefer discourse in Polybius XI. xxviii f , e.g., the comparison

BOOK XXVIII. XXVI. 15-XXV11. 8

brought into the open space and that everything was b.c. 206 ready. XXVII. Then, when the herald had enforced silence, Scipio began as follows : ^

" Never have I supposed that language with which to address my army would fail me ; not that I have ever occupied myself with words rather than deeds, but because, having lived in camps almost from boyhood, I was familiar with the minds of soldiers. But how to speak to you — for that both thoughts and language fail me. I do not know even by what name I ought to address you. Citizens ? when you have revolted from your country ? Or soldiers ? when you have rejected the high command and the auspices, have broken the sanctity of your oath ? Enemies ? I recognize the bodies, faces, clothing, appearance of citizens, but the deeds, the words, the plans, the spirit of enemies. For what else did you either wish or hope for but the same as the Ilergetes and the Lacetani ? And yet they followed Mandonius and Indibilis, men of royal rank, as leaders in their madness. You con- ferred the auspices and high command upon the Umbrian Atrius and the Calenian Albius. Say that not all of you did that, soldiers, or wished it done ; that it was the frenzy and folly of a few ; I will gladly accept your denial. For the acts committed were such that, if they were shared by the entire army, they cannot be expiated without atonements on a great scale.

Unwillingly do I handle such misdeeds, as if they were wounds. But unless handled and treated they cannot be healed. As for myself, after the Cartha- ginians were driven out of Spain I did not believe

of a crowd to the sea, § 11, more fully developed in the Greek peroration, xxix. 9-11.

Ill

LIVY

pro\'incia,i nullos homines credebam esse ubi \-ita invlsa 2 esset mea ; sic me non solum adversus socios 9 gesseram, sed etiam adversus hostes. In castris en meis — quantum opinio ^ fefellit ! — fama mortis meae non accepta solum, sed etiam exspectata est.

10 Non ^ quod ego volgari facinus per omnes velim — equidem, si totum exercitum meum ^ mortem mihi optasse crederem, hie statim ante oculos vestros morerer, nee me vita iuvaret invisa civibus et militibus

11 meis. Sed multitudo omnis sicut natura maris per se inmobilis est, at ^ venti et aurae cient ; ita ^ aut tranquillum aut procellae in vobis sunt ; et causa atque origo omnis furoris penes auctores est, vos

12 contagione insanistis ; qui mihi ne hodie quidem scire ^-idemini quo amentiae progressi sitis, quid facinoris in me, quid in patriam parentesque ac Uberos vestros, quid in deos sacramenti testes, quid adversus auspicia sub quibus militatis,® quid adversus morem militiae disciplinamque maiorum, quid adversus summi imperii maiestatem ausi sitis.

13 '' De me ipso taceo — temere potius quam avide credideritis, is denique ego sim, cuius imperii taedere exercitum minime mirandum sit — : patria quid de vobis meruerat, quam cum Mandonio et Indibili con-

14 sociando consiha prodebatis ? Quid populus Ro- manus, cum imperium ablatum ab tribunis suffragio

^ nullum . . . provincia A'X'JK Aldu^, Froben : om

P(i)y.

2 invisa A*X*JK : om. P{l}N.

3 opinio P(l \XJK : me opinio Riemann.

* Non JK Aldus, Froben : vero P(3;-N' : verum C*.

^ meum om. P{1)N.

^ at sugge^iied {not read) by Conuay : et P{3) Weissenborji : om. Gronovius, Conuay : ut D A'X'JK Aldus, Froben, AUcheJski, Madvig : si et JS' : sed Crevier.

BOOK XXVIII. XXVII. 8-14

there was in the entire province any place, any people, ^•^- '^'^^ where my life was hated ; so had I borne myself not only towards allies, but also towards enemies. Be- hold ! here in my own camp — how mistaken I was ! — a rumour of my death was not only believed but even waited for. Not that I should wish the crime to be shared by all. For my part, if I believed that the whole of my army had desired my death I should die here at once before your eyes, nor would a life hated by my fellow-citizens and my soldiers give me pleasure. But every crowd is in itself motionless, as is the natural state of the sea ; rather do winds and breezes ruffle it. So among you there is either calm or sudden storms. And the cause and source of every madness is chargeable to its promoters ; your in- sanity came by contagion. Even today you do not seem to me to know what a pitch of frenzy you have reached, what a crime you have dared to commit against me, against your country and parents and childi'en, against the gods, witnesses of your oath, what a crime as regards the auspices under which you are serving, or the custom of the service and the discipline of your ancestors, or the dignity of the supreme command !

" Of myself I say nothing, granting that you were hasty rather than eager in believing, granting in short that I am a man whose authority irks an army, and no wonder. But the country, what evil had she done you, when you were betraying her by sharing your designs with Mandonius and Indibilis ? What harm had the Roman people done you when you took away

^ ita om. SpN^JK Frohen 2.

8 militatis P{1)N : mUitastis Sp?JK Frohen 2.

113

LIVY

populi creatis ad homines privates detulistis, cum eo ipso non contenti si pro tribunis illos haberetis, fasces imperatoris vestri ad eos quibus ser\us cui impera- rent numquam fuerat, Romanus exercitus detulistis ?

15 In praetorio tetenderunt Albius et Atrius.. classicum apud eos cecinit, signum ab iis petitum est, sederunt in tribunali P. Scipionis, lictor apparuit, summoto incesserunt, fasces cum securibus praelati sunt.

16 Lapides pluere et fulmina iaci de caelo et insuetos fetus animalia edere vos portenta esse putatis : hoc est portentum quod nullis hostiis. nullis supplica- tionibus sine sanguine eorum qui tantum ausi facinus sunt ^ expiari possit.

XX\'III. " At que ego, quamquam nullum scelus rationem habet, tamen, ut in re nefaria, quae mens,

2 quod consilium vestrum fuerit scire velim. Regium quondam in praesidium missa legio interfectis per scelus principibus ci\'itatis urbem opulentam per

.3 decem annos tenuit ; propter quod facinus tota legio, milia hominum quattuor, in foro Romae securi per-

4 cussi sunt. Sed illi primum non Atrium Umbrum semilixam, nominis etiam abominandi ducem, sed D. Mbellium tribunum militum secuti sunt, nee cum Pyrrho nee cum Samnitibus aut Lucanis, hostibus

5 populi Romani, se coniunxerunt ; vos cum Mandonio

1 sunt N'{allern.)JK Aldus, Froben : sint P(1).V.

1 Cf. Periocha 12 fin.; Polybius I. vii. 6 fF. This legion was made up of Campanians. As such they were Roman citizens and did not serve as auxiharies.

2 Cf. Periocha 15. Li vy overlooked serious losses the legion must have suffered when the city was captured and in the course of ten years. This may reduce the number executed to about Polybius' figure — more than 300 ; I.e. §§ 11 f.

114

BOOK XXVIII. XXVII. 14-XXV111. 5

the command from tribunes elected by vote of the b.c. 2O8 people and conferred it upon private persons, when, not even satisfied with, having them as tribunes, you, a Roman army, bestowed the fasces of your com- mander upon men who had never had a slave to whom they might give orders ? In the headquarters were lodged Albius and Atrius ; at their tent sounded the trumpet, men came to them for the watchword ; they sat on Publius Scipio's tribunal. A lictor attended them; the way was cleared before they proceeded ; fasces with their axes were borne before them. Showers of stones and thunderbolts hurled from the sky and animals bringing forth strange offspring you reckon portents ; here we have a por- tent which cannot be expiated by any victims, by any set days of prayer, without the blood of those who have dared so great a crime.

XXVIII. " And although no crime has a reasonable ground, nevertheless I should like to know what was your purpose, what your plan, seeing that we are dealing with a flagrant offence. A legion formerly sent as a garrison to Regium,^ after foully slaying the leading men of the state, held that wealthy city for ten years. For that crime the entire legion, four thousand men,^ were beheaded in the Forum at Rome. But in the first place they did not follow the lead of Atrius the Umbrian, half-soldier half- sutler, with an ominous name ^ also, but of Decimus Vibellius, a tribune of the soldiers ; neither did they ally themselves with Pyrrhus, nor with the Samnites and Lucanians, enemies of the Roman people. You

^ I.e. from ater, ' coal black,' 'unlucky' ; cf. the dies atri of the calendar.

Ln'Y

Lu.c. et Indibili et ^ consilia communicastis et arma conso-

^ 6 ciaturi fuistis. Illi, sicut Campani Capuam Tuscis

veteribus cultoribus ademptam, Mamertiiii in Sicilia

Messanam, sic Regium habituri perpetuam sedem

erant. nee populum Romanum nee soeios populi Ro-

7 mani ultro laeessituri bello : Sueronemne vos domi- eilium habituri eratis ? Ubi si vos deeedens confeeta provincia imperator relinquerem. deum hominumque fidem implorare debebatis. quod non rediretis ^ ad eon- iuges liberosque vestros.

8 " Sed horum quoque memoriam, sieut patriae meique, eieceritis ex animis vestris ; viam consilii scelerati sed non ad ultimum dementis exsequi volo.

9 Mene vivo et cetero incolumi exercitu, cum quo ego die uno Carthaginem cepi, cum quo quattuor impera- tores,^ quattuor exercitus Carthaginiensium fudi, fugavi, Hispania * expuli, vos octo milia hominum, minoris certe omnes pretii quam Albius et Atrius sunt quibus vos subiecistis. Hispaniam provinciam populo

10 Romano erepturi eratis ? Amolior et amoveo nomen meum ; nihil ultra facile creditam mortem meam a

11 vobis \'iolatus sim : quid: si ego morerer, mecum exspiratura res publica, mecum casurum imperium popuU Romani erat ? Ne istuc luppiter optimus maximus sirit, urbem auspicato deis auctoribus in

1 et SpN'JK Frohen 2 : om. P{1)N Aldus.

2 rediretis M^A^PXUK Aldus, Froben, Eds. : redieritis P'l)(-entis D)X Comcay.

^ quattuor impera tores om. P{\)N.

^ liisT[>a.nia. A^X'JK Luchs, Conuay : otn. P(l} Eds.

^ It was in fact the Samnites who captured Etruscan Capua ; cf. IV. xxxvii. 1. (424 B.C.); Strabo V. iv. 3.

Il6

BOOK XXVIII. XXVIII. 5-II

have shared your plans with Mandonius and Indibilis b.c. 20g and were to have been then* comrades in arms as well. The legion would have held Regium as its permanent abode, just as the Campanians ^ held Capua, wrested away from its former Etruscan inhabitants, just as the Mamertines held Messana in Sicily ; and it would not have gone so far as to attack the Roman people or allies of the Roman people. Was Sucro to have been your domicile ? If I had left you there when as general-in-command I was retiring from my province completely subdued, it would have been right for you to implore the help of gods and men because you were not returning to your ^\^ves and children. " But granted that you have banished their memory also from your minds, as you have that of your country and of myself, I wish to follow up the outcome of your plan, a criminal one but not utterly insane. If I lived and the rest of the army was intact with which I captured (New) Carthage in a single day and with which I routed, put to flight, drove out of Spain, four generals,^ four armies of the Carthaginians, would you — eight thousand men, all of you certainly of less con- sequence than Albius and Atrius, to whom you sub- mitted yourselves — would you really have intended to wrest the province of Spain from the Roman people ? Suppose I take no account whatever of my name — granted that I have not been wronged by you except in your readiness to believe me dead, tell me, if I had been dying would the state have breathed its last with me, would the empire of the Roman people have fallen with me ? May Jupiter the best and greatest forbid that the city, founded with due auspices and

2 Both Hasdrubals, Hanno (ii. 11) and Mago (xvi. 13).

117

LI\nf

aeternum conditam huic fragili ^ et mortal! corpori

12 aequalem esse. Flaminio, Paulo, Graocho,^ Pos- tiimio Albino, M. Marcello, T. Quinctio Crispino, Cn. Fulvio, Scipionibus meis, tot tarn praeclaris impera- toribus uno bello absumptis superstes est populus Romanus, eritque mille aliis nunc ferro nunc morbo^ morientibus : meo unius funere elata esset res

13 publicaM Vos ipsi hie in Hispania patre et patruo meo, duobus imperatoribus, interfectis Septimum Marcium ducem vobis adversus exsultantes recenti victoria Poenos delegistis. Et sic loquor tamquam

14 sine duce Hispaniae futurae fuerint : M. Silanus eodem iure, eodem imperio mecum in provinciam missus, L. Scipio frater meus et C. Laelius legati,

15 vindices maiestatis imperii deessent ? Utrum exer- citus exercitui, an duces ducibus, an dignitas, an causa comparari poterat ? Quibus si omnibus superiores essetis, arma contra patriam, contra cives vestros fer- retis ? Africam Italiae, Carthaginem urbi Romanae imperare velletis ? Quam ob noxam patriae ? XXIX. Coriolanum quondam damnatio iniusta, miserum et indignum exilium ut iret ad oppugnandam patriam impulit ; revocavit tamen a publico parricidio privata

1 huic fragili P{l)N Aldus : fragili huic JK Froben.

2 Flaminio . . . Grsiccho Sp?N' J K Froben 2 : om. P{l)N.

3 nunc morbo A'^X'^ or S*JK : om. P(1)T.

* esset res publica S'pJ K {jireceded in all three by populi romani, ichich Froben 2, Luchs and others retain) Conway : res p. [or publica) P(1)-.V Aldus, Eds.

^ Cf. IV. iv, 4 ; V. vii. 10. For urbs aetema see Trans. Amer. Philol. Assn. XXV. (1894), 34 fF.; Franz Christ in Tiihinger Beitrdge XXXI. (1938), 59 ff.

2 Although Gnaeus Scipio was not legally an imperator, having been sent to Spain by Publius, while he himself re- turned to Italy (XXI. xxxii. 3; xl. 3), it was unnecessary

Ii8

BOOK XXVIII. XXVIII. ii-xxix. i

favour of the gods to endure forever,^ should Uve no b.c. 2O0 longer than this frail, mortal body ! Although Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Postumius Albinus, Marcus Marcellus, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Gnaeus Fulvius, my Scipios — so many generals and so dis- tinguished— have perished in one war, the Roman people survives and will survive, although a thousand others die, now by the sword, now by disease. At my funeral — one man's — would the republic have been borne to its tomb ? You yourselves here in Spain, after the slaying of my father and uncle, two generals,^ appointed Septimus Marcius as your commander against the Carthaginians, who were overjoyed by their recent victory. And I am speaking just as if the Spanish provinces would have been without a commander. But would Marcus Silanus, who was sent with me into the province with the same authority, the same command, would my brother Lucius Scipio and Gaius Laelius, my lieutenants, have failed to avenge the dignity of the high com- mand ? Could army have been compared with army, or generals with generals ? Could rank or cause have been matched ? If in all these respects you had been superior, would you have borne arms against your country, against your fellow-citizens? Would you have wished Africa to rule over Italy, Carthage over the city of Rome ? For what offence on the part of your country ? XXIX. Coriolanus was once im- pelled by an unjust condemnation, a wretched and undeserved banishment, to set out to besiege his native city. Nevertheless family devotion recalled him from foul treason to the state. In your case what

for the historian to be pedantic. Cf. XXV. xxxii. 1 ; xxxvii. 9; XXVI. ii. 5.

119

LIVY

2 pietas : vos qui dolor, quae ira incitavit ? Stipen- diumne diebus paucis imperatore aegro serius nume- ratum satis digna causa fuit cur patriae indiceretis bellum, cur ad Ilergetes descisceretis a populo Romano, cur nihil divinarum humanarunive rerum inviolatum vobis esset ?

3 " Insanistis profecto, niilites, nee maior in corpus meum vis morbi quam in vestras mentes invasit.

4 Horret animus referre quid crediderint homines, quid speraverint, quid optaverint : ^ auferat omnia inrita obli\-io, si potest ; si non, utcumque silentium tegat.

5 Non negaverim tristem atrocemque vobis visam ora- tionem meam : ^ quanto creditis facta vestra atrociora esse quam dicta mea? Et me ea quae fecistis pati aequum censetis ; ^ vos ne dici quidem omnia aequo i

6 animo fertis ? ^ Sed ne ea quidem ipsa ultra exprobra- buntur. Utinam tam facile vos obliviscamini eorum

7 quam ego obliviscar ! Itaque quod ad universes vos attinet, si erroris paenitet, satis superque poenarum habeo. Albius Calenus et Atrius Umber et ceteri nefariae seditionis auctores sanguine luent quod ad-

8 miserunt. Vobis supplicii eorum spectaculum non modo non acerbum, sed laetum etiam, si sana mens rediit, debet esse : de nullis enim quam de vobis infestius aut inimicius ^ consuluerunt."

9 Vix finem dicendi fecerat cum ex praeparato simul omnium rerum terror oculis auribusque est

10 offusus. Exercitus, qui corona contionem circum-

1 quid optaverint P{1)N Aldus, Froben : 07n. SpJK. " meam P(1).V Aldu^ : o7n. SpfJKx Froben 2. ^ pati aequum censetis om. P(1)X, one line. * fertis P(1).V : feretis A'N'JK Aldus, Froben. ■' inimicius Aldus, Froben, Eds. : inicius P{3} : iniquius C'.-l-V : immitius JK.

I20

BOOK XXVIII. XXIX. i-io

grievance, what anger spurred you on ? Was delay of b.c. 206 a few days in receiving your pay owing to the illness of your general a sufficient reason why you should declare war on your country, why you should revolt from the Roman people to the Ilergetes, why not one thing divine or human should be to you inviolable ?

"Insane you surely were, soldiers, and no more critical ailment attacked my body than your minds. I shrink from recalling what men believed, what they hoped, what they desired. Let forgetfulness carry away and cancel everything if possible ; if not, let silence somehow cover it all. I would not deny that my speech has seemed to you severe and cruel ; how much more cruel do you believe your acts are than my words ? And you think I ought patiently to bear what you have done : on your side can you not bear patiently even the telling of the whole story ? But even those acts themselves Mdll not be the subject of further reproaches. May you forget them as easily as I shall forget them! Accordingly, so far as the mass of you are concerned, if you repent of your mis- take, that is to me a quite sufficient punishment. Albius of Gales and Atrius the Umbrian and the rest of those who brought about a wicked mutiny will atone with their blood for what they have done. To you the spectacle of their punishment, if your minds have returned to health, ought not only to bring no bitterness but even joy. For there are no men whom they have treated in a more hostile and unfriendly spirit than yourselves."

Scarcely had he made an end of speaking when, in accordance with previous orders, their eyes and ears were assailed by terrifying sights and sounds everywhere. The troops who had encircled the as-

T2I

dederat, gladiis ad scuta concrepuit ; praeconis audita

11 vox citantis nomina damnatorum in consilio ; nudi in medium protrahebantur, et simul omnis apparatus supplicii expromebatur. Deligati ad palum virgisque caesi et securi percussi, adeo torpentibus metu qui aderant ut non modo ferocior vox adversus