SIR A. HENRY LAYARD G.C.B., D.C.L.
1 1 A
SIR A, HENRY LAYARD
G.C.B., D.C.L.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND LETTERS FROM HIS CHILDHOOD UNTIL HIS APPOINT- MENT AS H.M. AMBASSADOR AT MADRID EDITED BY THE HON. WILLIAM N. BRUCE, WITH A CHAPTER ON HIS PAR- LIAMENTARY CAREER BY THE RT. HON. SIR ARTHUR OTWAY
IN TWO VOLUMES— VOL. II.
WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1903
LW3
I/,
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
LETTERS FROM BAGHDAD AND PERSIA
(1840-1842)
PAGE
A Mesopotamian Caravan— With the Persian Army— Ruins of Manjanik — An Adventure with Robbers — Mehemet Taki Khan— Visit to Luristan— Return to Constantinople 1-15
CHAPTER II
WESTERN TURKEY, AND SIR STRATFORD CANNING
(l842)
Diplomacy and Manners — Sir Stratford Canning — Bosnia and Servia — Salonica — Ambelakia — Governor of Thessaly — Servian Leaders — Ride to Constantinople — Policy of Canning .... . 16-41
CHAPTER III
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE (1842-1845)
Dishonoured Bills— Canning Offers Work— Ahmed Vefyk— Ruh-ed-din Effendi — A Turkish Dinner — Domestic Habits — Sympathy with Reformers —Canning's Irrita- bility—The Spanish Minister— Life at Pera— Armenians in Constantinople— Turkey and Persia— Boundary Dis- pute— Importance of Muhammerah — Boundary Com- missioners— Armenian Wedding — Mr Charles Alison . 42-80
vii
viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE— continued. (1843-1845)
PAGE
Reshid Pasha— Sir S. Canning's Methods— Reshid Pasha— Riza Pasha — The Christian Question — Fuad and Ali — Position of Women — Kiamil Bey — Canning and the Reformers —Ambassadors and the Press — Residence at Candili— Life at Candili— Sultan Abdul-Mejid— Pre- sentation to the Sultan 81-111
CHAPTER V
CONSTANTINOPLE— MISSION TO ALBANIA (1843-1845)
Vin D'Olympe — Voyage with Lord Somers — A Storm in the vEgaean — Mount Athos — American Missionaries — Desire for a Consulate — Greek Ecclesiastics — Dervish Czar — Among Albanian Insurgents — Conference with Dervish Czar — The Albanian Camp — Repulse of Insurgents — Treachery of the Turks — Intercourse with Canning — Lord Cowley — Baron de Behr — Romantic Adventure —A Mysterious Beauty— The Mystery Revealed . . 112-150
CHAPTER VI
THE ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES (1845-1851)
Preparations for Nineveh — Arrival at Mosul — A Chaldean Wedding — The Pasha of Mosul — Discoveries at Nimroud — Recreations — A Desert Storm — Language of the In- scriptions— A Fight on the Tigris — Fanatical Plots — Hunting Adventure — Assyrian Art — Removal of Sculp- tures— Mosul to Constantinople — Dangerous Illness — Ferment in Italy — Address to the Institute — France in 1847— Revolution of 1848— "Nineveh and its Remains" — Influence over Arabs . . . . -'. . . . 151-194
CONTENTS ix
CHAPTER VII
POLITICS AND ART (1851-1869)
PAGE
Letters from England — Letter to Mr Ross — The Eastern Question — The Arundel Society — Ruin of Frescoes — German Art — Tour in Lombardy — Arundel Society — Tour in India— Mode of Travel— British Rule— Rock Temples— Liberation of Italy— State of Italy— Priestly Tyranny — State of Venice — Progress of Italy — Millais at Florence — Liberation of Venice — Paris Exhibition — Revival of Mosaic 195-237
CHAPTER VIII
THE PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF SIR HENRY LAYARD (1852-1869)
First Term of Office — Letter from Lord Granville — Return to Constantinople — Speech on Eastern Question — Letter to Lady Huntly — The Dundas Incident— Administrative Reform — Speeches on Foreign Affairs — Abyssinia — Site of the Law Courts — Attack by Mr Raikes — Don Layardos in Madrid — " A Superior Person " — His Place in Politics 238-267
APPENDICES . . . . . . . 269-297
INDEX . ........ 299-305
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD. From a drawing by G. F. WATTS, R.A., in the National Portrait Gallery (Photogravure} . . . . . Frontispiece
LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE. From the picture by G. F. WATTS, R.A., in the National Portrait Gallery (Photogravure} . . . To face page 56
THE DITCH AND WALL OF NINEVEH. From a
drawing by COOPER . . . . „ 158
SKETCH OF NINEVEH from the S.E., showing part of the Inner Walls and the situation of Mosul — Nebbe- unus and Kouyunjik forming the middle dis- tance. From a drawing by COOPER, 17 tA Dec. 1848 . . . . . „ „ 164
INTERIOR OF A YEZIDI HOUSE „ 176
YEZIDI DANCE . . . . . „ 178
SIR AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD. From a photograph
by FRADELLE (Photogravure) . . . „ 238
DON LAYARDOS IN MADRID . . . ' . . 263
MAP OF GREECE, TURKEY, ASIA MINOR, AND PERSIA At the End
SIR A. HENRY LAYARD
CHAPTER I
LETTERS FROM BAGHDAD AND PERSIA 1840-1842
HE story of the next two years, from his leaving Baghdad in June 1840 to his return to Constan- tinople in July 1842, embraces the most adventurous and romantic episodes of Layard's career. It has been told by him in his " Early Adventures," and occupies the greater part of that delightful book. It cannot be repeated here ; but the following selections from his letters to his mother and to his uncle, Mr Austen, will serve to carry on the present narrative, at any rate in outline, and to give some examples of his manner of telling his story to his own family.
He was travelling, it will be remembered, with Mr Mitford, and their object still was to reach India by land, and to journey through that country to Ceylon.]
To his Mother.
Between BAGHDAD and KERMANSHAH, 22nd June 1840.
We are at last on our way to Isfahan. . . We were detained at Baghdad much longer than we expected. The recent descent of the Persians upon Suleimanje rendered the roads rather unsafe, and the regular inter- course by caravan with Kermanshah was consequently stopped for a period. These casualties are constantly occurring in the East, and thus travelling is rendered VOL. II. A
2 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
slow and uncertain. As we enjoyed the kind hospitality of Colonel Taylor during our stay, we were put to little expense ; and I have only to regret a loss of time, particularly as we are driven into the hot days, and, until we reach the mountains, we shall have to resign ourselves to no moderate degree of heat — the thermometer in the shade standing at 107 to 108 ! . . . Since our visit to Babylon we have remained stationary at Baghdad in daily expectation of the departure of this abominable caravan, which made several false starts before it finally got off. The heat prevents our travelling by day. As the sun sets we form our order of march ; and as the sun rises we reach a village, where, in a garden, under the shade of palm and orange trees, or in the less agreeable shadow of an old wall and such a tent as a turban and a cloak will make, we sleep and pass the day. To-day (24th) I am continuing my letter in a beautiful garden of the small and picturesque village of Kanaki, which, being on the northern side of the river Diyala, is actually in Persia, although I believe it pays tribute to the Porte. The mountains of Kurdistan rise abruptly in the distance, forming a fine background to the prettiest place I have seen since crossing the Euphrates.
Our caravan is composed of a motley set, chiefly pilgrims on their return from Meshed Hussein and Mecca ; men, women, and children, mounting horses, mules, and donkeys — in all about seventy persons and fifty-five animals. The procession is generally headed by two old Turks abreast, perched on very small donkeys, whose apparent duty it is to find the way during the early part of the night when there is no moon. These pioneers are followed by five or six men on foot, who keep up a chaunt far from melodious during our progress. Next appears a koujiava — a pair of boxes, somewhat resembling the body of a sedan-chair, slung across a strong mule, each containing a young lady. They are the wives of an old Turk, who keeps so good a look-out after them that I haven't yet been able to find out whether any beauties may be concealed by the obstinate veil which is down night and day. After the koujiava follows the body of the caravan, each member on his own peculiar animal, striving for precedence; and as the horses and mules are for the most part well-laden, and have only a halter which does not guide them, the confusion and con- tinual concussions are highly amusing.
1842] A MESOPOTAMIAN CARAVAN 3
Our caravan is chiefly composed of poor pilgrims and their wives. One or two, however, boast the title of Mirza, a writer (equivalent to our ancient term " clerk "), and consider themselves considerably above the common herd. They are attended by their hookah-bearer, a man whose sole employment, day and night, is to light the hookah and present it to his master. This he does on horseback with great dexterity, carrying the pipe with all its fragile appendages at arm's length, when at full gallop. As these good priests and pilgrims are returning with a bellyful of religion, and the Persians are notoriously more fanatic than the Turks and Arabs, we are looked at with no little contempt: a sort of Turkish friend and compagnon de voyage has been frightened out of eating with us by sure promises of the pleasure of eternal damnation if he dips his hand into the same dish with a Giaour, or touches any vessel that may have been put to his lips. Were it not for a thick stick that I have been compelled to use once or twice, with the chance of having my head broken by a brickbat, we should be continually insulted. Amongst the higher classes in Persia these ridiculous scruples do not prevail, but the ignorance and fanaticism of the lower is perfectly inconceivable
2$th. Last night our caravan was almost doubled by the junction of a second caravan and numerous persons who had been waiting, until they considered a sufficient force was mustered, to attempt the passage of the moun- tains to Kasri-Shizin, from whence I now write. Although we had promise of robbers and Arabs, the night was only disturbed by continued discharges of fire-arms from our own party, to acquaint any persons that might be lying in wait for us that we possessed at least the means of defence ; the moral certainty, however, being that those who held them would throw them away on the first appearance of an enemy, and take to their heels. A caravan of pilgrims to Ureshed was plundered last week, and the unfortunate travellers came off in a very pilgrim-like fashion, their shirts being their only worldly possessions. To-morrow we reach Pul-i-Zohab, a very remarkable place, as it occupies the site of the Persian Holwan, the Calah of Asshur, one of the primeval cities, and the Haleh of the Captivity. Major Rawlinson,1 one of our best living Eastern scholars and geographers, is inclined to believe
1 The late Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, G.C.B., the famous Assyriologist.
4 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
that the inhabitants of the modern place, and of the moun- tains in the neighbourhood, are the descendants of the Israelites.
To his Mother.
HAMADAN, \yhjuly 1840.
I can scarcely depend upon this letter reaching you, as I am compelled to send it rather a roundabout way, and to trust it to a man who is going to Tebreez, where there is, I believe, an English merchant, into whose hands he promises to place it.
We reached Kermanshah on the ist of July. We had made arrangements for proceeding to Hamadan and Isfahan, when we were suddenly sent for by the Governor, and informed that, as our Government was no longer friendly to that of Persia, we could not be permitted to proceed without the Shah's express permission. We were much surprised at this step, as we had never contem- plated that the difference existing between the two Governments would be the cause of difficulties to travellers We were detained for two or three days under surveillance, and were then sent to join the Shah with a guard. We met His Majesty three days from Kermanshah at Kan- go war, at the head of an army of 15,000 men. We followed the army to this place, which we reached the day before yesterday. After several interviews with the Shah's ministers, we have at length been permitted to proceed, and are promised a Firman. I believe I mentioned in my last letter that a moonshee had accompanied us from Baghdad ; this man was the cause of our being stopped at Kermanshah. By his indiscreet loquacity he induced the Governor to believe that we were spies from the English Government. The Shah was then marching secretly on Baghdad, and the Governor, supposing that we had been sent to watch his movements, arrested us. Fortunately we had taken the precaution of having our English passports translated into Persian, and they relieved us from our difficulties. We have, of course, parted with our friend, the moonshee, whose length of tongue might get us into other scrapes. I am not, however, sorry that things have turned out as they have, for we are now furnished with letters from the Shah for Yezd and the Seistan, which may
1842] WITH THE PERSIAN ARMY 5
be highly useful to us. I have also obtained permission to proceed to Isfahan through Luristan, instead of taking the high road, the Shah sending a man with us. We shall now visit a most interesting country, and, I hope, reach Susan, the "Shushan the Palace" of the Scriptures, which no European has yet visited. Without a strong recommenda- tion from the Shah it would be impossible to traverse this country, which is inhabited by the Baktiyari and Lurs, the most wild and savage races in Persia. Major Rawlinson is, I believe, the only European who has seen much of Luristan. We have also seen a Persian army and the Persian great men to more advantage than we could have expected. . . . The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mirza Ali, speaks French, and has a secretary who speaks English and has been in England. We found several other persons in the camp who speak our language, and had therefore no difficulty in making ourselves understood, and in coming to an explanation as to our character.
From what I have yet seen of the Persians, I am in- clined to form a very unfavourable opinion of their character. Indeed, I never met with a more consummate set of rascals. There are few vices to which they do not seem prone, but the most remarkable is an utter disregard for truth — truly wonderful. A Persian will invariably tell a lie, even in a matter which is of no importance whatever to him. He is, moreover, insolent and vain to a degree. Notwithstanding that many Persians of rank have been to England and other parts of Europe, and the Government has adopted many institutions of civilised nations, still its mode of procedure is as barbarous as it was one hundred years ago. In their modes of punishment they exhibit extreme ingenuity. Some prisoners were lately made at Isfahan ; one of these had all his teeth drawn and then knocked into his skull ; another was shot with his own teeth, and then, having his head forced into a bag of hay, was thus left to die. The Persians look upon us as impure, and will neither eat nor drink out of the same vessels.
To his Mother.
ISFAHAN, 26th August 1840.
I reached Isfahan last Thursday, but suffering under so severe an attack of ague and fever, that until to-day I
6 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840
have been unable to commence a letter. Mr Mitford and myself were detained at Hamadan for nearly a month with- out being able to obtain the papers necessary for the pro- secution of our journey. Had it not been for the season- able arrival of the Baron de Bode, the principal Secretary to the Russian Embassy, God knows when we should have escaped from the hands of the Ministers. This gentleman behaved with the greatest kindness, assisted us in every way, and finally succeeded in procuring our Firman. Mr Mitford, disgusted with the want of faith of the Persians, and worried by the delay, determined upon making for Herat and renouncing his journey into Persia. As my funds were still in pretty good condition, I persevered in my original plans, and we separated. ... I hope to visit the Southern provinces of Persia, which are the least known, and to reach Kabul or Kandahar by the winter.
I trust my health will improve as I get more accustomed to an Eastern climate, but I find my strength much de- creased since I left England. The fever I had at Constantinople has never left me, and when suffering from it and ague I find myself incapable of any exertion. Still, however, my spirits are as good as ever they were, and I feel a resolution which would carry me through anything. . . .
I have been very lucky in the period of my arrival. The brother of Mehemet Taki Khan, the great Baktiyari chief, is now here, and has promised to send me to his brother, who will give me such a guard as will enable me to visit any part of the Baktiyari mountains I may think proper. . . .
You would scarcely know me in the Persian dress, with black hair, mustachios and beard, for my disguise would not be perfect without dyeing, and I go into the mosque now like a good Mussulman.
To his Mother.
, \Wi December 1840.
I will now give you an account of my movements since my letter from Isfahan. I quitted that city on the 23rd Sept., having been detained there nearly a month for want of an opportunity to penetrate the Baktiyari mountains : to have ventured alone would have been most imprudent.
1842] RUINS OF MANJANIK 7
At length Shefi'a Khan, a Baktiyari chief, accompanied by a strong party of armed men started for the mountains. At our third day's station we were attacked by a tribe at enmity with the tribe of Shefi'a Khan, and during our fourth day's march were compelled to keep a good look-out, as the enemy sought for an opportunity of doing us mischief. We reached Semirun, however, without loss, and, being in a friendly country, had no longer any cause for alarm. On the 5th October we reached Kala Tul, the residence of the great Baktiyari chief, Mehemet Taki Khan, having crossed the most precipitous and lofty mountains by roads which appeared scarcely practicable to the mountain goat. I could trace the line of route by the blood from our horses' feet. Such roads — if roads the per- pendicular face of a mountain can be called — nowhere else exist. During our journey we have been living and sleeping in the open air, the chiefs everywhere receiving us in the most hospitable manner. The weather was delightful. Mehemet Taki Khan was absent from Kala Tul on our arrival.
I proceeded immediately to the ruins of Manjanik, which are situated about six miles from the Castle of Tul. Major Rawlinson had heard of, but not visited them. There are here the remains of a very considerable town, but I do not count them to be of a very remote date, and can scarcely even refer them so far back as the Sassanian dynasty. Major Rawlinson had been informed that Baby- lonian mounds existed here, but such is not the case. The remarkable tradition which attaches to this place, however, renders it interesting. You are aware that the Jews and the people of the East believe that Abraham was cast into a fiery furnace by Nimrod, and they translate " Ur of the Chaldees " by " fire of the Chaldees." It was at Manjanik that the Lurs assert that this event took place, and the place is so called from the celebrated Manjanik, or Mangonel, the instrument by which the Patriarch was cast into a fire too intense to be approached by man. The ruins are now occupied by a tribe of Baktiyaris during the colder months, and their black tents and reed huts were scattered amongst them at the time of my visit.
On my return to the castle, satisfied with a man given me by the Mehemet Taki Khan's brother as a sure guard, I set out for the ruins of Susan, which had excited con- siderable interest in consequence of a notice of them in Major Rawlinson's pamphlet. No European had as yet
8 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
been able to reach them. On the first day I reached an encampment in the plain of Mai Emir. In a rocky ridge forming the western boundary to the plain I found four tablets sculptured in the rock with several colossal human figures, accompanied by several long inscriptions in the most complicated of the cuneiform character, a great part of which was unfortunately effaced. I believe these sculptures, from their appearance and accompanied as they are by this character, to be of the most remote antiquity. In the plain are mounds which mark the site of a city.
The following day I quitted the encampment for Susan. A high range of mountains separate Susan from Mai Emir. On crossing them I was attacked in a narrow gorge. Unfortunately I had been prevailed upon to leave my arms at the castle, and had only a small dagger. I defended myself, however, as well as I could, but was soon forced to submit, and to deliver up my watch and the little money I had in my possession. Many circumstances made me suspect that my host of the preceding night had some knowledge of the matter ; but I was determined to conceal my suspicions until I reached the castle. I proceeded on my journey, and reached the banks of a large river, the Kuran, towards nightfall. There were no means of cross- ing, and my guide declared it unfordable. I rode to some tents and there put up for the night. In the morning I found that my guide had deserted me, and I was alone. Susan lay on the opposite side of the river. Men were swimming across on skins, but they seemed in no way inclined to assist me. Only one course remained, and I plunged my horse into the water, determined to swim the river at all risks. To my surprise I found the river fordable, the water scarcely reaching to my saddle ; but the current was rapid, and my horse had much difficulty in keeping his legs. Having reached the opposite bank, I rode to the tents of Mullah Feraj, the chief of Susan, for whom I had a letter. In the course of a couple of days I visited the ruins and the tomb of Daniel, but these two days were spent in considerable anxiety, as the suspicions which the visit of a Frank excited in the minds of the Baktiyari were far from being of a satisfactory nature. The most ridiculous causes were assigned for my arrival. Some asserted that I had come to spy the country previous to an attack projected by the King of England ; whilst others asserted that my object was the acquisition of a treasure which my forefathers, who had once occupied the
i842] AN ADVENTURE WITH ROBBERS 9
land, had deposited there, and the site of which had been written in our books. However absurd these suspicions may appear, they proved sufficient to prevent my examin- ing the place with as much minuteness as I could have wished. I heard the people of the place consulting as to the course to be adopted towards me, and, had not the chief proved decidedly inclined to protect me, I might have received rough treatment. I was not sorry to turn my back on the inhospitable land.
On my return to Kala Tul I acquainted Mehemet Taki Khan with my loss. He immediately sent off a horseman to the chief with orders to bring back all my property, or he himself would proceed thither and cut off his nose and ears. On the following day the horseman returned with my watch and all that had been taken from me.
To his Mother.
BAGHDAD, 9^ September 1841.
You will be surprised to find me again writing to you from Baghdad. In explanation I will only say that, after leaving Karak in the winter and returning to the Baktiyari country, I still remained in Persia with the hope of being able to carry out my original plan of reaching Afghanistan through the Seistan. Kirman, however, and the neighbour- ing country still continued in a most disturbed state ; the road through Herat from recent events also got blocked up ; and I found it was scarcely possible to leave Persia by a land route. I consequently came down to Busrah, and a few days ago reached Baghdad. My principal object in returning to this place is to write to yourself and my uncle upon my future plans, and to remain here until I receive an answer. There have been so many changes, since I left England, in our family, that I have seriously and after much reflection determined to return to England if my uncle and yourself should approve of my so doing. . . .
I have now been absent from England about two years, and have visited many of the most interesting countries in the world, and during that period I have scarcely spent two hundred pounds. ... I can live here at a very trifling expense, and I have very pleasant society in the house of Colonel Taylor, the Resident. I shall not, howeve^ remain
io LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
in Baghdad, and in fact to-morrow I start for an exploring trip down the Tigris with Captain Selby, commanding one of the Euphrates Expedition Steamboats.
To his Uncle, Mr Austen.
BAGHDAD, qth September 1841.
Nearly eight months have elapsed since I last wrote to you, and I fear that my long silence will have caused you some anxiety ; but the fact is, I have been unable not only to communicate with you, but to leave the Persian territories. On my return to the Baktiyari country, the chief engaged in a war with the Persian authorities, which ended in his being taken prisoner. I was compelled to become a sort of actor in the affair, and when Mehemet Taki Khan was treacherously delivered into the hands of his enemies, I accompanied him, and was afterwards detained until nearly the middle of August, when I fortunately succeeded in leaving the Persian camp and reaching Busrah ; but in a curious condition — without a farthing in the world and with scarcely a shirt to my back, having been plundered some half a dozen times and exposed to the vicissitudes of war, etc.
I found an English ship at Busrah, the captain of which received me very civilly, and, having remained with him two or three days, I started off for Baghdad. I was now in hopes that all my troubles were at an end, but it turned out otherwise. Between Busrah and Baghdad I was plundered by the Arabs three times ! And at length, after various escapes, I astonished our worthy Resident here by in- troducing myself to him in my shirt. But I am now accustomed to these things, and, as I have excellent health and spirits, they pass off as common occurrences. . . . Thank God I am again among Europeans and country- men : long absence had rendered me a complete Persian. But I must now explain my reasons for returning to Baghdad. You must have seen from my last letter that I was proceeding but slowly towards India. The receipt of your letter at Karak, informing me of the events which had taken place since my leaving England, induced me to remain here a few months longer, and to await other letters from England. I felt that my mother's position was so different to what it was when I left England, and that
1842] MEHEMET TAKI KHAN n
indeed all the circumstances of my family were so much changed, that the reasons which induced me to leave England no longer existed. I was on the point of writing to you from Karak, and asking your sanction to my returning. . . . But I felt a strong desire to remain a short period in the interesting country I had been visiting, and where I had strong hopes of being able to confer some benefit upon mankind by contributing towards the amelioration of a semi-barbarous people. The character of their chief gave me the most sanguine hopes of success ; his generosity enabled me to live there without any expense whatsoever, and his friendship secured me a residence in that difficult country unattended with danger. I had introduced vaccination amongst the tribes with success ; I had written to India, and probably should have been able to bring Mehemet Taki Khan into correspondence with the Govern- ment and merchants of Bombay, and to engage them to enter into economical relations with a country so admirably calculated for commerce as Khuzistan and Susiana.
I had scarcely, however, returned to the country from Karak, when events put an end to all these anticipations. The Persian Government, as usual, fearing that Mehemet Taki Khan was gaining too great an ascendency over the inhabitants of this part of Persia, and knowing that he had no inconsiderable wealth in flocks and cattle, determined upon his destruction. Under the mask of friendship they at length succeeded in bringing him into their power, and, violating the most sacred oaths, deprived him of his country and threw him into chains. Thus, all the interest I had felt in the country was at an end, and I determined upon proceeding immediately to Baghdad, and writing to you with the proposal I had wished to make at Karak. I can live at Baghdad without expense, and I have here the most intellectual society in the family of our Resident, Colonel Taylor ; and I intend remaining here until I hear from you.
12 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
To his Mother.
BAGHDAD, 24/7* January 1842.
[After touching upon family circumstances which had again made his future plans uncertain^ he continues] : —
I regret that I have been unable to make drawings ; the state of the country would not allow me to do so, and indeed it was very seldom that I was able to make a note, or to take a bearing by the compass. During my last trip I discovered other sculptures and the sites of several ancient cities. I luckily escaped very well, having only been plundered once, although the journey was a very dangerous one, and, succeeded in visiting every spot of any interest that, during my former excursion in Khuzistan, I had left unexamined. I found my poor friend Mehemet Taki Khan still in chains, with his family in a most dis- tressing state. One of his brothers, with whom I had spent many happy hours, had been cruelly murdered, and on entering Shushter one of the first things I saw was the head of an old friend rotting in the Bazaar ! The number of persons that have perished in this province is scarcely credible. I visited the great robber Baktiyari chief, who received me very civilly in his celebrated mountain strong- hold, and, contrary to my expectations, gave me every opportunity of visiting the country. I had the honour of being introduced to all his wives (he has twelve), and of getting well drunk with him on some Shiraz wine. In fact, we were sworn friends, and I only regretted that time would not allow me to join him in a few plundering expeditions, and other parties of pleasure, which he very kindly offered to bring about for my amusement. I also spent a few days with the Wali of Luristan, the celebrated mountain prince of the Faiti, who received me with much kindness and treated me with great hospitality. The only two Englishmen who had ever ventured into this country, Captain Grant and Mr Fotheringham, had been murdered by the predecessor of the present Wali, and, as Major Rawlinson had strongly warned any European against attempting to enter the country, I was somewhat anxious as to the result of my journey. I am now, however, so well acquainted with this curious people that I had little
1842] VISIT TO LURISTAN 13
difficulty in forming a friendship with him. The only scoundrel that ill-treated me was the Sheikh of the Beni Lam Arabs, in whose tent I had been a guest, and whose bread I had eaten. Whilst among the tribe I was daily in the greatest danger, and had I not luckily been in company with a Seyyid, a descendant of the Prophet, I scarcely know how I should have succeeded in passing through the country. As it was, I was attacked, and robbed of the little money that I possessed. The Matameh, the commander of the Persian troops, had also left orders at Shushter to have me arrested ; but I dared the Governor to do so, and remained in the town and travelled about the country without noticing his threats or remonstrances.
I have avoided living with the Colonel or any of the residents here, although I dine with them every day, and have taken a small house to myself, where I sit alone and am busily occupied during the day, writing and putting my notes in something like order. I have every reason to be most grateful to Colonel Taylor, who is a most amiable and worthy man. It would be well for England if every city in the world had such a Resident. During the thirty years he has resided here it is impossible to describe the mode in which he has established the English name and character. A few days back we celebrated the birth of the Prince of Wales with great eclat. The steamer on the river was dressed with flags and fired a Royal Salute. In the evening the Resident's house was illuminated, and the street hung with lamps. Who a few years back would have anticipated this?
To his Mother.
BAGHDAD, 26^ May 1842.
I am glad to say I was completely successful, and re- ceived the highest gratification in being able to carry out a scheme to which I had directed much time and labour. When I told you of our intended trip up the Karun, I mentioned a month as the probable period of our absence. Unfortunately, although we succeeded admirably in our enterprise, the vessel was, through carelessness, run aground in the immediate neighbourhood of Shushter, and, the river being at the time much swollen from recent rains and daily decreasing, we were soon left high and dry. The
i4 LETTERS, BAGHDAD AND PERSIA [1840-
steamer was dug off after great labour, and after a deten- tion of thirty days. This incident, however, in no way interfered with the success of the undertaking, and I have completely established the practicability of the navigation of the Karun.
We ascended that river, the Aub Gargar, or celebrated canal, and the Run of Dizful. I had examined all these rivers on several occasions and at a very great personal risk, and it was in consequence of my urgent representations to Colonel Taylor that the vessel was sent up the river. I had assured the Colonel that I had conciliated all the chiefs, and that our reception would be flattering and hospitable. I was not deceived, and I can assert that never were persons received with greater kindness than we were at Shushter in the steamer Assyria. The chiefs vied with one another in showing us attention ; we had continual presents of sheep, and of the produce of the country, and the house of every one was open to us. ... I am still in a Persian dress, and have not an article of European apparel ; I must get a fit-out at Constantinople.
To his Mother.
CONSTANTINOPLE, lothjuly 1842.
I arrived here yesterday, after a very pleasant though somewhat fatiguing journey through Asia Minor. ... I was not sorry to leave the sultry heats of Mesopotamia and get into a cooler climate of Diarbekir. From Iskah to the sea coast the mountains of Asia Minor are thickly wooded with gigantic oaks, elms, and birch trees. I fancied myself again in Switzerland. As I travelled tatar, I had not, of course, much time to examine the country which I traversed. Mosul and Mardin I must have described to you in former letters. At Mardin you leave the great plains of Assyria, and enter the lower undulating uplands of Taurus. From Mardin to Diarbekir is a delightful valley, and the road leads along a small stream, thickly wooded with poplars and willows. It would be difficult to describe the pleasure such a scene as this affords to a traveller who has been traversing the treeless waste between Baghdad and Mardin. I accompanied Dr Floyd as far as Diarbekir ; we separated there, the Doctor going to Aleppo. In this city, however, I found three English engineers who had left Baghdad
1842] RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE 15
about twenty days before me. With them I continued my journey, and reached Samsoun in nine days without any very hard riding. . . . We had to remain a day at Samsoun for the arrival of the Trebizond steamer, which calls here on its way to Constantinople. I was not sorry to find myself once more in the atmosphere of a European steamer, after having been devoured for days past by all manner of vermin. There is a great enjoyment in sleeping out in the open air, and I regretted the necessity of sleeping in a dirty room. In the north of Asia Minor the dews are heavy, and one risks a fever sleeping out of doors. I reached Samsoun in a Baktiyari dress, and was compelled to borrow a European suit to make a decent entry into Constantinople.
I have to start afresh in the world. Of all my European property the old cloak alone remains, and a small carpet which I purchased three years ago here. These have re- mained staunch to me in all my adventures, and have been in the hands of robbers and thieves, but have in some way stuck to me. They have encountered all the dangers of St Paul, and must be preserved as relics.
CHAPTER II
WESTERN TURKEY, AND SIR STRATFORD CANNING
1842
I HAD promised Colonel Taylor to lose no time in deliver- ing the despatches which he had entrusted to my care, and which were of urgent importance. Accordingly, on the morning of my arrival at Constantinople, I engaged a caique with two rowers to take me to Buyukdere, where Sir Stratford Canning, the British Ambassador, was then residing, and proceeded to the Embassy as I had landed, with only such European garments as I had been able to procure at Samsoun, and bronzed and unkempt after my long and arduous journey in constant exposure to heat and cold, rain and sun.
In those days there were no passenger steamers on the Bosphorus, and it took about three hours for two stalwart caikjees to row to Buyukdere. On arriving there I presented myself at the Embassy with my despatches. I was told to wait, which I did for a considerable time. At length a fashionably-dressed young gentleman appeared, asked me cavalierly for the despatches of which I was the bearer, informed me that the Ambassador was too much occupied to see any one, and turning on his heel left the room without deigning to listen to what I had to say.
10
1842] DIPLOMACY AND MANNERS 17
I felt very indignant at this rude and uncourteous treatment, which I thought scarcely justified by my personal appearance, although the attache might have been warranted in looking with some contempt upon an unknown traveller who had only just emerged from barbarous regions, and who bore but few marks of European civilisation either in his dress or his complexion. Having endeavoured in vain to obtain an audience of some other member of the Embassy, to whom I could explain my position, and the necessity I was under of asking for a passport to enable me to travel over the Continent to England, I left the house and returned at once to Pera.
I determined to apply to the British Consul-General for a passport, without which it would have been impossible for me to pass through any part of Europe, and to leave Constantinople as soon as I had obtained it. Mr Cart- wright, who then filled that office, received me with the blunt kindness and good-nature for which he was well known to all English travellers in Turkey. He at once promised to send me the document I required for my journey. I returned to my hotel to prepare for my de- parture, bul, before leaving Constantinople, I was determined to inform the Ambassador of the manner in which I had been received at the Embassy. I accordingly wrote to Sir Stratford Canning, expressing in somewhat intem- perate terms the indignation that my treatment had caused me. I had no right to expect any reply to my letter, which was written under a sense of offended dignity and resentment for what, in my anger, I considered a personal affront. I was the more hurt and offended by my reception at the Embassy, as, in order to deliver the despatches with which I was charged to Sir Stratford, and to afford him information which the British Resident at Baghdad considered of importance to the public service, I had put myself to no little inconvenience, and had
VOL. II. B
i8 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
suffered considerable fatigue in travelling night and day on horseback from Baghdad. I have no doubt that I exaggerated the matter ; but I was young and impetuous, and the manner in which the members of an Embassy were in those days accustomed to treat British subjects who were not supposed to enjoy an equal position in society with themselves may have justified, to a certain extent, the warmth of my remonstrances. What happened to me on this occasion served as a lesson in after years. In this respect, great changes have since taken place. Diplomacy has become more of a profession, and public opinion has been brought to bear upon it in a manner which renders it necessary for its members to discharge in a becoming way their duties to the public. I afterwards became intimately acquainted with the young men who had treated me, as I considered, so rudely. They were amiable, kind-hearted and gentlemanly, and were un- conscious of the offence given by the supercilious and arrogant bearing which they considered it necessary, as belonging to an aristocratic vocation, to assume towards strangers, and especially towards their own countrymen. We often laughed together over the indignant protest which my offended susceptibility had called forth. Amongst them were more than one with whom I afterwards formed a warm and affectionate friendship, which lasted until we were separated by death — for they are now no more. I may have occasion to refer to them hereafter.
I was not a little surprised when I received a kind and courteous answer to my letter from Sir Stratford Canning, expressing his regret that he had not seen me, and that I had cause to complain of my reception at the Embassy, thanking me for having brought the despatches for him from the British Resident at Baghdad, and begging me to call at once, as he was desirous of communicating with me.
1842] SIR STRATFORD CANNING 19
I could not do less than comply with his request, and on the following morning I returned to Buyukdere.
Sir Stratford received me immediately. I was greatly struck by his appearance, and thought him one of the handsomest men I had ever seen. His hair was already grey, or rather white. His tall and spare form was not altogether erect, as he had the habit of stooping forward, and he was a little awkward in his gait. There was a somewhat too evident assumption of dignity and reserve in his manner, which was intended to impress people with the utmost respect for the Queen's Ambassador, and, if the occasion required it, with awe. His earnest grey eyes seemed to penetrate into one's inner thoughts. His complexion was so fair and transparent that the least emotion — whether of pleasure or anger — was at once shown by its varying tints. A broad, massive and overhanging brow gave him an air of profound wisdom and sagacity. He was altogether a very formidable-looking personage, and he made upon me the impression which he no doubt intended to produce.
His manner towards me was, however, kindly and con- siderate. He admitted and lamented that strangers had frequently good cause to complain of their reception at the Embassy, adding that he had reprimanded " the gentlemen of the Chancery " for the manner in which they had treated me. He then began to question me upon the state of the country from which I had recently arrived, and especially as to the events on the Turco-Persian frontier of which I had been a witness. He appeared to be satisfied with the answers that I was able to give him. After a long conver- sation, and when I was about to retire, he remarked that my knowledge of the territory in dispute between Turkey and Persia might be of considerable use to him, as he had reason to believe that the advance of the Persian troops to Muhammareh and into territory watered by the Euphrates,
20 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
which was claimed by Turkey, might lead to war between those two States. It had occurred to him, he said, that the mediation of England might be employed to prevent a rupture between them, and asked my opinion. I did not hesitate to approve of his idea, offering, at the same time, to furnish him with such information as I had acquired by my journeys to Khuzistan.
On parting with me he expressed his hope that I would remain for a short time in Constantinople, as he was desirous of seeing me again, and of obtaining further information from me, as soon as there was a prospect of the mediation of England being accepted by Persia and the Porte.
I returned to Pera, and some days passed without my hearing from Sir Stratford Canning. My means were now nearly exhausted, and I had scarcely more money than was required for my journey to England. I therefore wrote to the Ambassador to inform him that unless he desired to see me again, and to avail himself of my services, I should leave Constantinople in a few days. Not receiving a reply to my letter, I completed the preparations for my departure and took my passage on board a steamer bound for Galatz — whence I intended to make my way by the Danube to Vienna.
I was descending the steep street leading from Pera to the wharf at Tophand where I was to embark, when I was overtaken by a cawass from the Embassy. He had followed me from the hotel with a note from Sir Stratford Canning, telling me that he thought he saw his way to make use of my proposed services, adding, " instead of going away, come and dine here to-morrow, and I will try to arrange a plan with you." After a moment's re- flection I determined to return to the hotel and to accept Sir Stratford's invitation.
On the following day I went to Buyukdere". Sir
1842] BOSNIA AND SERVIA 21
Stratford Canning informed me that negotiations for the joint mediation of England and Russia between Turkey and Persia were in progress, but that some time would probably elapse before the two Powers would finally accept it, and before he might be in a position to make use of the information which I possessed. He proposed to me that in the interval I should visit the Western part of Turkey in Europe, and especially Bosnia and Servia. Much agitation then prevailed in both these provinces, and there were grounds for believing that political events of importance were about to occur in them. He suggested that I should travel through them, and report to him on their condition and the state of affairs. It was, however, to be clearly understood that I was to have no official character or mission.
I readily accepted Sir Stratford's proposal. The few preparations that I had to make for my journey were soon completed, and on the 2Oth August I left Constantinople by a small steamer, called the Maria Dorotea, for Salonica. I was furnished with letters of introduction to the Turkish authorities and to our Consuls and Consular Agents in the districts which I proposed to visit, and arrangements were made for me to correspond directly with the Ambassador.
The rest that I had been able to take at Constantinople had recruited my health, which had suffered from the hardships and privations to which I had been exposed during my wanderings in the Baktiyari Mountains and the desert, and from the fatigue of my tatar journey from Baghdad. I was still, however, liable to constant returns of the intermittent fever, which I had contracted three years before in the plains of Philippopoli at the commencement of my travels in the East. I had not been able to shake it off; but I had become almost accustomed to its attacks, from which I soon recovered,
22 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
although they produced their effect upon my constitution, and frequently left me in a state of great debility, mental and physical. But I was young, energetic and adventurous, and never allowed these attacks to interfere with my plans. Many and many a day had I ridden for hours, shivering and shaking when the ague fit first came on, dismounting and lying on the bare ground in a semi-delirious state when the hot stage supervened, and returning to the saddle when abundant perspiration brought the attack to an end, leaving me so weak and exhausted that I could scarcely keep my seat.
I left Constantinople in high spirits. My taste for travel and adventure had not been satiated, and I was further excited by the idea that I was engaged in an important though secret mission, which, in the event of my discharging it to the satisfaction of the Ambassador, would in all probability lead to my permanent official employment in the East, the great object of my ambition. On the second day, after a beautiful passage on a waveless sea, coasting along islands and headlands rich in immortal traditions, I landed at Salonica. Forcing my way through a clamorous crowd of porters, Jews and beggars, I proceeded to the British Consulate. Mr Blunt, the British Consul for whom I had letters, received me cordially, and procured a room for me in the house of a native Christian family.
Mr Blunt had been for many years in the British Consular service, and was a man of great knowledge and experience of Eastern affairs, and intimately ac- quainted with Turkey, its various populations and their languages. As he had married a Greek lady — like many other Englishmen employed officially or engaged in commerce in the Levant — he was classed by his country- men amongst " Levantines," a term which is intended to convey mingled contempt and reproach. But he was an English gentleman of good family and education.
1842] SALONICA 23
During my short stay at Salonica I passed most of my time with him and with the French Consul, M. Gillet, in whose house I had been hospitably received nearly three years before at Tarsus where he held the same office. I had letters for some Levantine merchants of the name of Abbots, who were largely concerned in the export trade, and had extensive financial dealings with the local authorities and the populations of the province, as farmers of the tithes and in other capacities. From them and other gentlemen residing in Salonica I obtained informa- tion on commercial and political subjects which I con- sidered of sufficient interest to communicate to Sir Stratford Canning.
Omar Pasha, Governor of the province, was a Turk of the old school, who could neither read nor write. The populations complained of his government as arbitrary and oppressive. He had established monopolies of various articles of primary necessity, such as salt, notwithstanding the treaties between Turkey and England and other European Powers, by which the Porte had engaged to abolish them. These monopolies weighed heavily upon the poor and upon those engaged in trade. Whilst through them he accumulated wealth, they brought ruin upon the country, which was already suffering from secular mis- government. He was courteous and dignified in his manners, like most Turkish officials of rank, and was con- sequently favourably spoken of by the Consuls, whose representations and remonstrances were patiently listened to although they may have produced but little effect.
Salonica was already a rising port, and gave promise of becoming the principal one for the trade of the European provinces of the Turkish Empire. But at that time there were no roads, and the produce of the soil was brought down, and European merchandise conveyed into the interior, on the backs of mules and horses, by rugged
24 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
and difficult paths which were frequently interrupted altogether. Brigandage prevailed, and the country in general was insecure in consequence of the political agitation which had already commenced amongst the Christian populations of Roumelia, mainly caused by the intrigues of Russian Agents.1 One of the objects of my mission was to enquire into the movement, which was alleged to be in progress amongst the Bulgarians, and the means by which it was brought about. Secret Societies were known to exist, which had for their object to excite an insurrection against the Turkish Government, and which were directed and supported by secret Committees in Russia and by Russian Agents. There had already been more than one attempt at rebellion, which had been suppressed by the Turkish troops. However, at that time, the Bulgarians formed but a small minority of the Christian population of Macedonia and of Salonica, its capital, and being of the Greek faith were included by the Turkish authorities amongst the Greeks. It was not until many years afterwards that the Christians to the south of the Balkans speaking the Bulgarian language were recognised as a distinct nation, and were no longer classed with the Greeks. At the time of my visit to Salonica, no part of the Christian population was known as Bulgarian. It was said by the Turkish authorities to consist of 15,000 Greeks. The town then contained no less than 25,000 Jews, who exceeded in number even the Mussulmans. They were the descendants of those who had been driven by persecution from Spain, and had taken refuge in the dominions of the Sultan, where they were hospitably received, and allowed the free profession of
1 The " Bulgarian Question," which was destined in after years to assume such grave proportions, and to lead to a great war, which may prove to be one of the principal causes of the fall of the Ottoman rule in Europe, was already appearing on the horizon.
1 842] SALONICA 25
their faith. They still spoke the Spanish language, and were to be distinguished from the Turks and Christians not only by their peculiar dress and the long locks which the men wore on either side of their foreheads, but by their fair complexions, blue eyes, and light hair and beard.
During the short time that I remained at Salonica I was much impressed by the abuses which were to be attributed to the capitulations, or ancient treaties or conventions between Turkey and the European Powers, which were rapidly undermining the authority of the Turkish Government, and rendering its continued existence under the state of things which they were calculated to produce almost impossible. The principal were the privileges claimed by foreigners exempting them from dues and taxes paid by Ottoman subjects, the monopolies in trade which they were thus able to secure, the inter- ference of the foreign Consuls in all local affairs and in the administration, and the facilities afforded to Turkish subjects of throwing off their Ottoman nationality and obtaining that of some other country. Even the smallest European State had its Consul or Consular Agent at Salonica. These officials were in the habit of selling passports to native Christians. Most of them trafficked in these documents, and lived upon the profits they made out of the sale of their protection. One of the principal offenders in this respect was the Greek Consul, who claimed a large portion of the indigenous Christian population of the town as subjects of the Hellenic Kingdom.
A privilege at that time enjoyed by the foreign Consuls was the cause of no little loss to the Turkish revenue, and of legitimate complaint on the part of the Turkish authorities and population. Each Consul claimed the right to keep one bakehouse, one butcher's shop and one
26 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
tavern. This claim was founded upon an ancient custom which allowed the representatives of foreign nations to provide for the supply of the shipping of their respective countries.
Upon these various subjects, and upon the opening for British commerce which Salonica appeared to me to present, I dwelt in my letters to Sir Stratford Canning, sending him such statistics as I was able to procure from the official sources accessible to me.
On the 25th August I left Salonica in a small sailing- boat bound for the village of S. Teodoro on the coast of Thessaly. We set sail in the evening, and crossing the gulf with a light wind arrived at our destination soon after sunrise. After some difficulty I was able to obtain a horse to take me to Platamona. I had fallen in with a Prussian doctor named Auerbach, in the Turkish service, who was going to Larissa to take charge of the quarantine establishment in that place. We rode together along the sea-coast at the foot of Mount Olympus, and through the Vale of Tempe, with the beautiful scenery of which, and the wonderful luxuriance of its vegetation, I was greatly charmed. It reminded me strongly of the pictures of Claude, who in his classic subjects has well divined the peculiar characteristics of the Thessalian landscape. But we found the country almost deserted. The mountain- range of Olympus and Ossa was the refuge of bands of brigands who, descending into the valleys and plains, infested the mule-tracks, robbed travellers and caravans, almost put a stop to trade, and compelled the inhabitants of the villages to abandon their homes and to seek for security in the towns. The soil consequently remained uncultivated, and one of the richest districts in European Turkey was reduced to the condition of a desert. Reports of the presence of the brigands on the road we were taking were rife and we were warned against the danger to which
1842] AMBELAKIA 27
we were exposing ourselves. But we performed our journey without meeting with any adventure.
We crossed the Peneus by a ferry-boat, and followed its winding course through a thickly-wooded valley, in which the pomegranate, the vine and the fig tree, the remains of former cultivation, mingled with forest trees. We entered a narrow and difficult gorge through which the river forces its way, and arrived at nightfall at Baba, a small village almost deserted, in which we found a dirty, half-ruined coffee-house, where we took up our quarters for the night.
On the following day we passed through the ruined town of Ambelakia, situated on the slope of Mount Ossa about an hour's ride above Baba. This was once a place of considerable importance, and the remains of large, well- built houses, and of spacious buildings used in the manu- facture of cotton goods, bore evidence to its former industry and prosperity. I was greatly interested in Ambelakia from the story which I had read of it in Urquhart's " Spirit of the East," — a book which had made a great impression upon my imagination, and which con- tains some of the most delightful and truthful pictures of Oriental Turkish life. Ambelakia was inhabited by a Greek community which, high up on the almost in- accessible sides of Ossa, had enjoyed an almost complete independence from Turkish rule. Some enterprising and ingenious inhabitants of the place formed the idea of constituting the population into a kind of joint stock company for the manufacture of cotton prints, such as were used in Turkey. The enterprise was for a long time successful, and Ambelakia became one of the most prosperous communities in the Sultan's dominions. It was unable, however, to compete with foreign manu- factures when the markets of Turkey were opened to Europe, and especially to England, by the Treaties of
28 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
Commerce. The administration of the affairs of the community fell into incompetent hands. Frauds were alleged to have been committed by its officers. Failure was the result; the manufactories were closed, and, the principal inhabitants having quitted the place, Ambelakia soon fell into ruins.
From Ambelakia I descended the southern slope of Mount Ossa to Larissa, a town of some importance, situated in a rich and extensive plain, and at that time the residence of the Governor of the Province of Thessaly. Namik Pasha, who held that post, had, however, gone to Tchataldja — the ancient Pharsalia — to be present at the annual fair held there. Having letters for him, I determined to follow him. As Tchataldja was situated near the Greek frontier, and the fair would be frequented by people from both sides of the borders, I hoped to be able to obtain information as to the state of the country, which might prove of some importance.
A ride of six hours on post-horses took me to Tchataldja or Pharsalia. Namik Pasha received me cordi- ally, and having quartered me upon the Greek bishop, who here, as elsewhere, was expected to entertain travellers recommended to the Turkish authorities, invited me to dine and spend my time with him as long as I might remain in the town. He was then a young man of pre- possessing appearance, and of considerable intelligence. He was one of the foremost among the young Turks who had been brought up in the school of Reshid Pasha, and who had been selected to carry out the great reforms introduced into the administration of the Ottoman Empire by Sultan Mahmoud. He spoke French with fluency. After serving for some time in the army, in which he had rapidly risen to the rank of a Ferik or major-general, he had been sent as Turkish Ambassador to London. On his return he had been named Governor of the frontier
i842] GOVERNOR OF THESSALY 29
province of Thessaly, a post of considerable importance on account of the critical state of the relations between Turkey and Greece, the frequent violations of the territory of both States by brigands, and the endeavours of Greek and other agents to excite the Christian popula- tions to rise against their Mohammedan rulers.
Namik Pasha had rendered himself popular amongst both Mussulmans and Christians by his just and liberal administration. He professed very enlightened views and an earnest desire to improve the condition of the province. As was usual in Turkey, he was not left long enough in his government to carry them out. He made a very favour- able impression upon me. I was disposed to look upon him as one of the men who, by their honesty, abilities and enlightenment, might carry out the reforms initiated by Reshid Pasha, and save his country from the fate which even then appeared to menace it. But I was disappointed in him. He was afterwards employed in many high and important missions, but abandoned his early principles, and joined the fanatical and revolutionary party in Turkey. The friendship which I formed with him during my short residence at Tchataldja continued, and I have always experienced great kindness and attention from him.
At the time of my ^visit to Thessaly, the province was apparently in a state of repose. Outwardly the Christians — constituting by far the largest portion of the populations — seemed satisfied with the Turkish rule, and, with the exception of the usual acts of brigandage on either side of the frontiers, outrages occasionally committed by Greek patriots who crossed into Turkish territory to perpetrate them on Christians as well as on Mohammedans, when they could do so with impunity, public tranquillity and order were not disturbed. But the Pasha was seriously alarmed at the intrigues and conspiracies of foreign Agents, who, he
3o WESTERN TURKEY [1842
was convinced, were seeking to incite the Greek subjects of the Sultan to rise against his rule. He was especially suspicious of the designs of France, and anxious about the proceedings of several Frenchmen, who, upon various pretexts, were travelling about the country. He had in- tercepted a correspondence which, he alleged, proved that the French Government were endeavouring to bring about not only a rising in Thessaly, but a revolution in Greece, with the object of dethroning the king and of placing a son of Louis Philippe on the throne. He communicated his suspicions and fears to me, begging that I would acquaint Sir Stratford Canning with them. As Sir Strat- ford had given me a letter of introduction to the Pasha, I considered that, without giving him any cause to suspect that my object in visiting this part of Turkey was to furnish information to the Ambassador, I could accede to his request.
On the following day I accompanied an old Albanian Bey, named Abdullah, to whom I had been recommended by the Pasha, to Karditza, a village which, with the sur- rounding lands, he farmed for the Government, I was struck by the fertility of the plain of Pharsalia and its numerous villages, inhabited almost exclusively by Christians. At Fricala, a town of some importance, which I reached next afternoon, I was, as usual, lodged at the house of the Greek bishop.
Between Fricala and Janina are the remarkable con- vents of Meteoro, built upon isolated masses of rock. They have been described by several travellers, amongst others by my friend Robert Curzon, who visited them some years after me, and described them in his " Monasteries of the Levant."
Shortly before my arrival at Belgrade a revolution had taken place in the Principality which had led to the expulsion of Prince Milosh and the election by the
i842] SERVIAN LEADERS 31
Servians of the son of Karageorge, the chief to whom they owed their independence, as his successor. The Principality was still in a very disturbed state. It was expected that Russia or the Porte would interfere to restore the fallen ruler, and the population, determined to resist an attempt to impose him upon them, were under arms. A considerable force was assembled at Belgrade, which was in a state of siege.
The principal leaders in the movement which had ended in the expulsion of Milosh were Petronievitch, Wutchich and Zuban. I had letters for them which I presented on arriving at Belgrade. They had all three been prominent chiefs and patriots in the revolution which, principally under the direction of the popular hero Kara- george, had freed Servia from Ottoman rule. Petronie- vitch was a man of some culture and knowledge, and had received a European education, and spoke more than one European language. Wutchich was a brave and rude soldier of the pure Servian type, unacquainted with any tongue but his own. Zuban was a lawyer by profession, and had some pretensions to a knowledge of literature. He had indeed, although unacquainted with the English language, attempted a translation of Gibbon's "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire" into Servian. My communications with him were carried on in a kind of dog Latin. The three had a high reputation for honesty, capacity, and patriotism amongst their country- men, and were considered the chiefs of the party which resisted the interference in their affairs of Russia, under whose influence Prince Milosh was accused of being, and which desired for their country a more complete in- dependence than that which it enjoyed under foreign control and dictation. Wutchich wore the Servian dress, which consisted of a jacket, vest, and baggy trousers, with leggings of brown coarse cloth, embroidered with black
32 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
braid, and the Turkish fez. In the huge belt of leather encircling his waist he carried a pair of enormous pistols, and a sword dangled by his side. Petronievitch and Zuban were dressed in European costume ; but, like all their countrymen who still considered themselves subjects of the Sultan, wore the national head-dress, the fez.
The English Consul-General at Belgrade was, at that time, Mr Fonblanque, the brother of the well-known editor of the Examiner newspaper. He had taken a prominent part in opposing the popular movement against Prince Milosh, and when it proved successful he had lowered his consular flag, suspended his relations with the authorities, and had left Servia for Constantinople to protest against it to the British Ambassador. This conduct, which was considered by the Servians as an unwarrantable interference in their affairs, was deeply resented.
The private letters which had been given me for the three Servian leaders and for the Pasha, who commanded the Turkish garrison which then occupied the fortress of Belgrade, and represented and maintained the suzerainty of the Sultan over the Principality, enabled me to obtain full information as to the object of the recent revolution, the intentions of its promoters, and the condition of public opinion in Servia. I soon convinced myself that the British Consul-General had acted hastily and injudiciously in taking so decided and hostile a step as to refrain from entering into relations with the popular Government and to lower his flag. It appeared to me that, if England was called upon to take any part in the affairs of Servia, her true policy was to give her support to those who were struggling to obtain liberal institutions, to uphold the independence of their country, and to resist the undue interference of Russia in its government and administration.
1842] RIDE TO CONSTANTINOPLE 33
Having formed these views, I felt that even in the capacity of a private traveller — a character which I care- fully maintained during the time of my residence in Belgrade — I was committing no act of indiscretion in acceding to the request of the Servian members of the Provisional Government that I would inform Sir Stratford Canning on my return to Constantinople of the true state of affairs, and communicate to him copies of various docu- ments which they believed would justify the expulsion of Milosh, and the election of the son of Karageorge as his successor.
As upon the decision which Sir Stratford Canning might take upon the representations of Mr Fonblanque might depend a war undertaken by Russia, or, upon her demand, by the Porte, to crush the popular party in Servia and to restore Milosh, a war which could not fail to cause infinite bloodshed and misery, I determined to proceed at once to Constantinople. The quickest mode of doing so was by riding post. The Queen's Messengers, who in those days carried despatches between Downing Street and the Turkish capital, and the Cabinet couriers of other Powers, as well as the tatars employed by the Porte, performed their journeys in this fashion. Consequently there was then a good supply of post-horses on the road which formed the main line of communication through the European provinces of Turkey.
The Pasha of Belgrade offered to send a Government tatar with me as far as Nissa, and to give me a letter to the Governor of that place, who would provide me with another tatar to Constantinople. The Servian authorities were instructed to afford me any assistance of which I might be in need, and peremptory orders to all the post- masters on my route insured me an immediate supply of horses at all the post-stations. It was the middle of October, and the weather, especially at night, was already VOL. II. C
34 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
cold in the mountains and bleak plains of Servia and Bulgaria. I prepared myself for it by having my old cloak, which had served me through my wanderings in the East, lined with sheepskins. I bought a pair of huge boots also lined with fur, a pair of ample, baggy shalwars, such as were worn by the tatars^ and which for long rides I thought more comfortable than light European trousers, and an ample shawl wound in many folds round my waist, and, equipped with a tatar saddle and heavy shovel stirrups which served for spurs, I started from Belgrade on my tatar journey to Constantinople.
The gates were being closed in consequence of the state of siege when I left the city at sunset. A surejee, lead- ing a horse on which were placed my saddle-bags and those of the tatar, led the way. The tatar himself followed with his long whip, which he used incessantly to keep the animals in front of him to their full speed. I brought up the rear. Notwithstanding the darkness of the night and the state of the tracks, which were deep in mud, and were frequently lost altogether, we galloped as fast as the horses could carry us over rocky hills and through dense forests. I was more than once nearly swept off my saddle by the overhanging boughs and branches. Frequently my horse stumbled on the stony ground, and my neck was in imminent peril. But the horses were strong and active, and the post-stages short. We lost no time in changing our animals, and we neither stopped to eat nor sleep until we had crossed the Servian frontier. We had been frequently challenged during the night by the guards which were posted along the road in consequence of the anticipated invasion of the Principality and the dis- organised state of the country owing to the recent revolu- tion. But the tatar was furnished with the necessary password, and we passed on without interruption.
I have still a very lively recollection of that ride
1 842] RIDE TO CONSTANTINOPLE 35
through the forests of Servia in the night — one of the most breakneck and fatiguing enterprises in which I was ever engaged. In the afternoon of the following day we reached the considerable town of Nissa, passing, as we entered, a pyramid of human skulls, a trophy of a Turkish victory over the Servians which was then still preserved. We rode through the narrow streets and bazaar still at full gallop, and scattering the thick black mud over the passengers and the shopkeepers and their stalls, the surejee, as was the custom when preceding a tatar, warn- ing the crowd of his approach by loud discordant cries and by cracking his whip.
My letters to the Pasha secured me a welcome and, what I even more required, a dinner. He sent at once for a fresh tatar to accompany me to Constantinople, and ordered horses to be prepared without delay to enable me to continue my journey. As an attempt had been made to construct a road from Nissa to Sophia, he offered me the use of his carriage for the first two or three stages. As I thought that I could thus obtain a few hours' sleep after my fatiguing journey through the night, I accepted his offer.
After a substantial meal, I took leave of the friendly Pasha, and left Nissa in his carriage, followed by the tatar and the surejee leading a horse for me to mount if necessary. I soon found that this had been a wise pre- caution. The Pasha's carriage was drawn by four small active horses driven by a Bulgarian coachman who urged them with his long whip and his cries to their full speed, utterly regardless of the state of the so-called road and the stones and the rocks which encumbered it. The carriage itself was a rickety, nondescript vehicle, with rude primitive springs, constructed in Hungary. To sleep was utterly impossible. I was soon so much shaken and jolted that I could bear my sufferings no
36 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
longer. So, dismissing the coachman with a present and complimentary message to his master, I mounted the .spare horse which had fortunately been provided for me, and resumed my journey on my spacious and com- fortable tatar saddle.
I remember little of my journey. The only incident that I recollect was that, when following the yelling surejee and tatar at full gallop through a narrow and crowded bazaar in one of the towns through which we passed, my horse stumbled on the slippery stone pave- ment, and that I flew over his head and found myself in the midst of a circle of tailors, seated cross-legged at their work in an open shop. They were not a little alarmed at this sudden intrusion, and I was no less surprised at finding myself in such company — fortunately without hurt or injury.
We reached Adrianople in the morning, having galloped without stopping day and night, except to change horses at the post-stations, which were then about eighteen miles, or six Turkish hours apart. My tatar, who had been accustomed to travel, as was the habit of his profession, at a jog-trot pace, exceedingly fatiguing to one not accustomed to it, and which was only increased into a gallop when a town or a post- house was approached, declared that he could go no further. He accordingly took me to the Konak, or residence of the Governor, to whom I had a letter. Whilst a fresh tatar was being found and horses made ready, I adjourned to a neighbouring Turkish bath. After a short but sound sleep on the soft cushions and white linen of the outer hall, surrounded by couches on which the bathers repose after their ablutions, I felt thoroughly refreshed, and ready to continue my journey, and in a few minutes was in the saddle again.
The vast undulating plains of Rumelia, smooth as a
1842] RIDE TO CONSTANTINOPLE 37
race-course, were soon crossed. The balmy, bracing October air, with a cloudless sky overhead, and the rapid motion, produced an exhilarating effect which soon made me forget my fatigues and privations. In these long tatar journeys I usually found that I suffered most on the second night. The difficulty of keeping awake was intense, and the efforts to do so most distressing and painful. It was impossible to sleep when going at a gallop. When the pace was slackened, as in descending a hill, I could doze ; but I generally found it better to dismount, and to snatch a few minutes' slumber lying on the bare ground. It is almost hopeless to struggle against a drowsiness which overpowers one in spite of every effort to throw it off. After the second night, I generally suffered less from the effects of want of sleep — and the excitement of passing through a new country, and the various incidents which occurred during the ride, and when changing horses at the stations, sufficed to occupy the attention almost without interruption, and to drive away the desire of sleep.
I reached Constantinople before dawn on the sixth day after leaving Belgrade. I had performed this journey of some six hundred miles in less time by some hours than Colonel Townley, a Queen's Messenger, whose tatar ride over the same ground had been mentioned by Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons as the fastest on record. I was consequently very proud of my feat. As some time had yet to elapse before the Adrianople Gate, at which I had arrived, would be opened — the gates of Stamboul were then closed until sunrise — I dismounted, and, lying on the ground, slept soundly until I could enter the city. It was a ride of full an hour through the narrow and ill-paved streets of the Turkish quarters, and after- wards of Galata and Pera, before I could reach Roboli's hotel.
38 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
Having breakfasted and made myself as presentable as my limited wardrobe permitted, I hired a horse and gal- loped to Buyukdere where Sir Stratford Canning was still residing. He would scarcely believe that I had only left Belgrade six days before. The dates of letters which I had brought to him convinced him, however, of the fact. I found that he had already, from the reports he had received from trustworthy sources, and from the statements of the Consul-General himself, come to the same conclusion as I had as to the revolution in Servia, and as to the policy which it behoved the English Government to pursue with regard to it. He had condemned the hasty step taken by the British Consul-General in lowering his flag, and in thus making almost a declaration of war against the popular party in Servia, and had directed him to return to his post without delay. Mr Fonblanque had already left Constanti- nople for Belgrade before my arrival.
Sir Stratford Canning was highly satisfied with the accounts which I was able to give him of the state of affairs in Servia, as they confirmed him in the opinion which he had formed, and which he had expressed in his despatches to Lord Aberdeen, H.M. Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was desirous of entering into direct communi- cations with the leaders of the recent movement in the Principality, in order to obtain full and trustworthy infor- mation as to their views and as to the events which were occurring there. The personal acquaintance which I had formed at Belgrade with the principal persons concerned in the revolution enabled him to make use of me to this end. Shortly after my return to Constantinople, Zuban, whom I have mentioned as being Minister of Justice in the Servian provisional Government, was sent to represent the newly-elected Prince, the son of Karageorge, at the Porte. I established intimate relations with him, and through him I was able to obtain all the information that Sir Stratford
1842] POLICY OF CANNING 39
Canning required, and to be the means of communicating his views to those who had been entrusted with the direc- tion of affairs in Servia, and to influence to a certain extent their conduct.
One of the charges made against the revolutionary leaders in Servia was their cruel treatment of persons belonging to the opposite political party. Mr Fonblanque had accused them of placing their prisoners in deep open pits dug in the soil. There was unfortunately a sufficient foundation for these charges. I had seen, when at Belgrade, and in company with Wutchich, who had the command of the revolutionary army, a large square excavation in which several prisoners were kept, without protection from the inclemencies of the weather. I had ventured to remonstrate against their treatment, and in consequence they were removed to other quarters — the provisional Government stating that they had only been thus temporarily placed, as there was no other means of keeping them in safe custody in Belgrade, and they were dangerous men whom it was necessary to retain in confinement. But the Servians were at that time but little less barbarous and uncivilised than their recent rulers the Turks. One of the objects which Sir Stratford Canning had in view was to induce the new Servian Government to act with justice and humanity towards the followers and partizans of the fallen family, and so to conduct the movement which had hitherto proved successful, that it might be justified in European public opinion by affording proofs of its having the support of the great majority of the Servian population.
In these views we were warmly and ably seconded by Zuban. Although of a somewhat rough exterior, and having received the very limited education at that time accessible to a Servian, he was a humane and in-
40 WESTERN TURKEY [1842
telligent man, and a good and honest patriot. I was accustomed to see a good deal of him, and spent many an evening in his company. In the dog Latin which we were compelled to use in our oral and written communica- tions, he would relate to me stories of Servian history, and especially of the wars with the Turks, and of the struggles for his country's independence, in which he had been per- sonally engaged. He would usually end by singing, in a monotonous and plaintive tone, the popular ballads in which Servia and the other Slav provinces watered by the Danube are rich, accompanying himself on a rude fiddle with one string, and afterwards translating them to me from the Servian dialect. In these songs, now that he was far from his native land, he took great delight. They stirred his inner soul, and as he sang them, with their dreary accompaniment, the tears would roll down his cheeks, and he would interrupt his performance to give way to sobs. Upon me, too, his primitive music produced an indescribable feeling of melancholy.
Russia had determined to crush the popular movement which had taken place in Servia. It was, in fact, mainly directed against her interference in the affairs of the Princi- pality, and against Prince Milosh, who was accused of being her tool and of endeavouring to destroy its popular and free institutions, and to replace them by an arbitrary and despotic rule. She resented the encouragement which, she alleged, Sir Stratford Canning was giving to the revolutionary party. The remonstrances and representa- tions of the Russian Government induced Lord Aberdeen, who was known to be very favourable to Russia, to adopt the opposite view to that of the British Ambassador. Sir Stratford Canning was deeply mortified and angered by being thus " thrown over " by his own Government ; but with his usual independence and energy, and, no doubt, to some extent influenced by his animosity to
1842] POLICY OF CANNING 41
Russia and his deep suspicions of her designs, he held to the policy which he had adopted upon what he considered just grounds, and continued to give all the support in his power to the popular party in Servia, which was seeking to uphold and develop free institutions in the Principality.
CHAPTER III
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE 1842-1845
IT was, of course, soon known to the English Foreign Office that it was partly in consequence of my reports that Sir Stratford Canning had been induced to give his support to the popular party in Servia, and that he was employing me unofficially and privately as the medium of communication with its leaders. I was accused, too, of having announced myself to the Servian Ministers as an official agent of the British Ambassador at Con- stantinople, and of having allowed myself to be paraded by them about the Servian capital in that capacity in a state-carriage. These charges, and others to the same effect, were sent both to Lord Aberdeen and to Sir Stratford Canning. I had no difficulty in proving to the latter that they were unfounded, and in exposing the motives which led to their being put forward. He expressed himself fully satisfied by the explanations that I was able to give him. But upon Lord Aberdeen they produced an unfavourable impression. The prejudice which, in consequence, he formed against me was not for a very long time removed, and stood very much in the way of my official employment by Sir Stratford Canning, who was anxious to make use of my services as a member
1842-45] DISHONOURED BILLS 43
of his Embassy, and had suggested that I should be appointed to an unpaid attacheship.
Circumstances which occurred soon after my return to Constantinople added to my anxieties and to the difficulties of my position. When I left England in the summer of 1839, on my projected journey to India through Central Asia, I had deposited in the Bank of Messrs Coutts & Co. half of the small sum of money which my mother had advanced to me out of my share in certain funds under her marriage settlement, amounting to .£300. For this sum I received from these bankers a letter of credit, which was directed by them to Colonel Taylor, the British Resident at Baghdad. Colonel Taylor had en- dorsed it to a correspondent or agent at Isfahan, but had omitted to give notice to Messrs Coutts that he had done so. When I was in want of money in Persia, the Baron de Bode, the Secretary of the Russian Mission at Teheran, was good enough to advance me a small sum, when I met him in the Shah's camp near Hamadan, upon a bill of exchange which I drew upon Messrs Coutts. A further sum, of equally small amount, had been given to me upon a similar bill by Colonel Hennell when I was at Karak, of which island he was then the Governor. I received a few pounds upon the same letter of credit, which had not been exhausted, from the Queen's Messenger whom I had seen at Semlin. The three bills which I had thus drawn were dishonoured by Messrs Coutts, on the plea that they had not been advised that their letter of credit had been endorsed to the persons to whom I had given my bills. I was in entire ignorance of what had occurred until I learnt it by letters from home, and by a communication from Sir Stratford Canning, to whom I had been denounced as a swindler. Unfortunately, when I lodged my money at Coutts, I had done so without ap- prising my uncle, Mr Benjamin Austen, He was conse-
44 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
quently not a little surprised and concerned when he learnt, by mere accident, that I had drawn bills upon bankers in whose hands he was not aware that I possessed any funds. He could naturally only draw one conclusion ; but he at once took measures to have their holders paid the amount that had been advanced, together with the expenses of protest, etc.
When I first learnt through Sir Stratford Canning that I was thus exposed to the suspicion of having fraudulently obtained money, I was overwhelmed with grief, and made up my mind that this unfortunate affair would have the effect of destroying his good opinion of me, and of putting an end to the career in the East to which I had looked forward with so much hope. I begged him to wait before forming a judgment, until I could receive explanations from England in answer to letters to my friends. Those explanations were unfortunately some time in reaching me, as the post then took many days between Constantinople and England. Consequently, I had to remain for some time under a cloud. When they came, they were such as to completely satisfy Sir Stratford Canning. Messrs Coutts, although alleging that they had acted strictly according to custom and rule, admitted that, considering the places from which my bills were drawn, and the impossibility of communicating with me, and that I had ample funds in their hands to meet them, the bills ought to have been honoured. They expressed much regret at what had happened, and tendered me an ample apology.
My letter of credit was now almost exhausted, not- withstanding the extreme economy which I practised. Considering the extent of my travels and all that I had done and gone through, it was indeed somewhat surpris- ing that in two years and a half I had not expended £300. Sir S. Canning had paid the expenses of my recent journey in the Turkish European provinces to
i«45] CANNING OFFERS WORK 45
which he had sent me. I found myself now in severe straits. Sir Stratford, who had been instructed by Lord Aberdeen to propose, in conjunction with the Russian Ambassador at the Porte, the mediation of England and Russia to prevent a war between Turkey and Persia, and to suggest a scheme for the settlement of the differences which had arisen between those two Powers, relating to their southern frontiers, was desirous of availing himself of the information which I possessed in preparing it. He requested me, therefore, to remain at Constantinople, promising that the services which I might render to the Government would enable him to press upon Lord Aberdeen, with every prospect of success, my official appointment as an attache to his Embassy. He was not, however, in the position to offer me any salary or remuneration for my work. Nor should I have received any, had I been named one of his attache's, as the place would have been an unpaid one.
I was at a loss to know how to maintain myself in the position which it would be necessary for me to occupy. But I determined to trust to fortune, and to face the difficulties which were before me in the best way I could. I accordingly agreed to Sir Stratford Canning's pro- posal to remain at Constantinople. He had now moved with his family from his summer residence at Buyukdere to Pera for the winter. The palace belonging to the British Government had been burnt down, and had not yet been rebuilt. Two houses in the principal street of Pera had been united for the accommodation of the Embassy. In one of them I was assigned a room to which I came daily to carry on the work I had undertaken for Sir Stratford.
On my first visit to Constantinople, in 1839, I had formed the acquaintance of Mr Longworth, who had then recently returned from Circassia, to which country he had
46 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
been induced to go by Mr Urquhart, to encourage the mountain tribes in their resistance to Russia, and to advise and assist their chiefs in the heroic defence of their country in which they were engaged. He had published in England an account of his adventures, with a description of the then almost unknown country which he had visited. He had remained at Constantinople as the correspondent of The Morning Post. He was a man of considerable literary acquirements, a good Turkish scholar, of a childlike simplicity, and one of the most upright, honest, single- minded creatures I have ever known. He lodged in a house kept by an Armenian widow, who had three daughters, Katinka, Louise and Marinaka — all three re- markably handsome, but -the youngest, Marinaka, a girl of about sixteen, of exceptional beauty. They were of the pure type of their race, with large lustrous eyes, regular, well-formed, but rather strongly marked features, thick eye- brows almost meeting over the nose, and an abundance of raven black hair. The pleasure of Longworth's society and the attraction of three pretty faces induced me to engage a small vacant room in the widow's house. I was to board with my friend, the cooking being done by the family. It was of a very primitive but wholesome kind, consisting almost entirely of Turco-Armenian dishes, such as pilaf, kababsy various stews of meat and vegetables, and fish.
Our mess was joined by Colonel White, also a news- paper correspondent, a most amusing and genial companion, possessing much wit and humour, and an excellent mimic. He was a man of good family, was at Eton with Sir Strat- ford Canning, had been an officer in the Guards, and aide- de-camp to a Royal Duke, from whose service he was said to have been summarily dismissed on being detected by his patron in mimicking his movements behind his back for the amusement of his colleagues in the Ducal household.
i845J AHMED VEFYK 47
He had unfortunately failed to observe that H.R.H.was walk- ing up and down the room in front of a large mirror in which all his antics were faithfully reflected. He had written one or two fashionable novels, which had obtained some success — one of them was, I believe, called "Almack's Revisited." In addition to writing letters for his newspaper, he was occupied in preparing a book upon Constantinople, which he afterwards published. It contains the best and most complete account of the manners and customs of the various inhabitants of the Turkish capital, and of their occupations, trades, etc., which has ever appeared. It is now the more interesting as it describes much which has passed away.
In compiling his work Colonel White had received the help of Ahmed Vefyk EfTendi, who was able to supply him with trustworthy and accurate information upon domestic subjects connected with Turkish and Mussulman life, which was otherwise inaccessible to a European. This remark- able man, who rose to be Grand Vizir, and of whom I shall have hereafter frequently to speak, was then a youth of sixteen or seventeen years of age. His father, Ruh-ed-din Effendi, had been for some time Ottoman Chargd cT Affaires at Paris. His son had been with him, and had learned the French language, which he spoke and wrote like a French- man. On returning to Constantinople he had continued the studies which he had commenced at Paris, and had in- duced his father to form a library, including the English and French classics, which subsequently became the most valuable and extensive in the Turkish capital. His acquaintance with English and French authors would even have been remarkable in one who had received the best European education. He was, moreover, a good Turkish, Persian and Greek scholar, and was well versed in Oriental literature.
Ahmed Vefyk Effendi was at that time employed in
48 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
the Foreign Department at the Porte, where his father held a high official position. They resided together in a large, old-fashioned, wooden house near the great Byzantine Aqueduct which traverses Constantinople, and still supplies the city with water. The Effendi and Mr Long- worth were in the habit of dining and spending two nights a week in each other's houses. No one was allowed to cross the Golden Horn from Galata after sunset, the gates of Stamboul and the bridge of boats being closed. In those days Europeans were not allowed to be in the Mussulman quarters after dark, and the very fact that an Englishman was allowed to pass the night in Ruh-ed-din's konak, afforded a convincing proof of the enlightened and liberal character of its owner, as he ran the risk of seriously offending the religious prejudices of his neigh- bours, and, had he not been a man of rank and authority, would have been exposed to the interference of the Mukhtars, or chiefs of the quarter, who were charged with its superintendence and its police.1
The evenings which the two friends thus spent together were devoted to reading and study. I soon formed an intimate friendship with Ahmed Vefyk, and was invited to join the party at his house. During the time that I spent at Constantinople, I went there as regularly as I was able, twice a week, to his konak in Stamboul when he was in the city, and to his yali or country house, on the Bosphorus during the summer months.
We read together the best English classics — amongst them the works of Gibbon, Robertson, and Hume — and studied political economy in those of Adam Smith and Ricardo. My friend Loxngworth had strong Protectionist
1 The Mussulman quarters of Stamboul offered a striking contrast to those occupied by the Christians and Europeans — in their immunity from crime and vice. The Turks had no wish that the civilisation of Galata and Pera should be extended to that part of the capital which was inhabited by themselves and their families.
i8453 AHMED VEFYK 49
views : I was an ardent Freetrader. We spent many an hour in fierce argument, in which the Effendi joined with great vigour and spirit, lighting up the dry matter in discussion with an infinity of jokes and quaint illustrations. We also made him read, and read to him, the plays of Shakespeare, which he understood and appreciated, and the novels of Dickens, into the spirit of which he thoroughly entered — roaring with laughter over the comic scenes. There was something catching in his merry and boisterous laugh, and even the solemn Turks who were present when he indulged in it, and did not comprehend the reason of it, could not resist joining in it. He took so much delight in "Pickwick" and the other works of Dickens which had then appeared, and was so well acquainted with them, that he was constantly in the habit of quoting from them in after days. He had a singularly retentive memory, and rarely forgot what he had read. He was a perfect store of information on all manner of subjects, Western and Oriental, and had even then acquired a smattering of scientific knowledge, which he afterwards considerably extended. His remarkable capacity, his great acquirements, and his upright and honourable character, led his friends to believe that he would rise to the highest offices in the State, and he himself would talk as if he were persuaded that he would one day become Grand Vizir.1 He was the most cheerful, the most merry, and the most entertaining of companions. As he was always ready to impart information, and had none of those scruples and prejudices which prevented Turks from speaking to strangers, and especially to Europeans, of their domestic affairs, I learnt from him many
1 The prediction was fulfilled many years after, and when I, who had been the companion of his youth, was the Queen's Ambassador at Constantinople.
VOL. II. D
50 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
interesting details of Turkish life and habits which sub- sequently proved of much use to me. His father was equally communicative and free from prejudice. He spoke French indifferently, but sufficiently well to make himself understood. He was a perfect Turkish gentleman, of the most refined manners, and of very dignified appearance, with his snow-white beard and his turban and robes, which the chief civil functionaries at the Porte still wore, the nizam, or European uniform and dress, not having then been generally adopted by them.
The life led by a Turkish gentleman in Stamboul was, at that time, a very simple one. Ruh-ed-din Effendi's konak, or mansion, was provided with no European luxuries. It was divided, like all houses in the East inhabited by Mussulman families, into the apartments in which the owner sat during the day, and in which he received his visitors, and those occupied by the ladies and their female attendants, or the harem. Chairs and tables, and other European articles of furniture were not then in general use, as they subsequently became in Turkish houses. The floors of the rooms were covered with a simple but finely made matting, upon which were laid Kurdish or Persian carpets of beautiful texture, and exquisite in colour and design. Around, against the walls, were placed very low divans, covered with Brousa or Damascus silk, and provided with large and comfortable cushions and bolsters to lean against. To sit upon them it was necessary to sit Oriental fashion, cross-legged, or to stretch one's legs on the floor very awkwardly and ungrace- fully. Every one on entering a room, and before treading on the carpets, took off his boots or shoes. I always ad- hered to this custom when visiting Turkish gentlemen, wearing, as they did, inside my boots and over my stock-
1845] RUH-ED-DIN EFFENDI 51
ings, the thin, black, leather mests, a kind of slipper or covering for the foot Everything was kept scrupulously clean, and the interior of the house was a model of neatness.
The EfTendi and his son had, as was then the custom, numerous servants or hangers-on. Neither of them could go to the Porte, or elsewhere, without being followed by at least two attendants, one carrying the long chibouk, or pipe of cherry or jasmine wood, in a bag, the other, papers, books, and other things which his master might require during the day. The other servants remained to look after the house, in a room provided for them on the ground floor, where they spent the day in smoking pipes and drinking coffee. They wore no livery, but were dressed like their masters, and went about slipshod, as they had to leave their shoes at the door whenever they entered a room. When the Effendi was at home, they were princi- pally occupied in serving visitors with coffee and pipes. There was no bell in the house, and when they were required their master summoned them by clapping his hands.
In the harem, to which the male servants had not access, the work was done by female attendants. They cooked the dinner and other meals, being superintended in these occupations by the ladies of the family, who themselves were in the habit of making any special dish, and espe- cially sweetmeats. Neither Ahmed Vefyk nor his father would tolerate the presence of a eunuch in their house- holds, and their harems, unlike those of most Turkish gentlemen of their station and rank, were not guarded by these wretched beings. Nor had they any slaves, male or female, such as were then almost invariably found in Turkish families.
Ruh-ed-din Effendi had but one wife. His son, when
52 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
he married, followed his example. Most of the leading Turkish statesmen of the liberal and reforming party, to which both of them belonged, such as Reshid, AH and Fuad Pashas, Cabouli Effendi, and other enlightened men, did as Ruh-ed-din, although they still maintained very strictly the harem system — their wives, with their female attendants, living in a part of the house, generally the largest and best, especially set apart for them, to which no male, except a very near relation, such as a father or brother, was admitted.
Longworth and I usually went over to Stamboul, when we spent the night at Ruh-ed-din EfTendi's, early in the afternoon. We read with Ahmed Vefyk until sunset, when he retired into the harem to say the prayers obligatory upon all Mussulmans at that time. An hour after, he and his father and generally several guests — for, like all Turkish gentlemen, they kept open house and were very hospitable — assembled for dinner, which was served in the old Turkish fashion. A low stool was first brought in and placed in the centre of the room. A servant then appeared bearing an immense metal tray, which he placed upon this stool. He was followed by a number of other attendants, each carrying a metal bowl or dish, of various sizes, each with its cover.
A servant then went round with a kind of ewer, called an ibryk, from which he poured water over the hands of those present into a basin held beneath, in which was a piece of soap. After they had thus washed, the master of the house and his guests squatted on the carpeted floor round the capacious tray. A richly embroidered napkin was then thrown over their right shoulder, for them to wipe their hands and mouth during the repast. One of the attendants then placed in the centre of the tray a metal bowl containing soup. Each person took a few spoonfuls,
1845] A TURKISH DINNER 53
and the bowl was speedily removed. A number of dishes then succeeded each other, each being rapidly removed after the guests had helped themselves to a few morsels with their fingers, for knives and forks had not yet come into common use in Turkey, and even Turkish gentlemen of the rank of Ruh-ed-din Effendi still ate in this primitive and barbarous fashion, only metal spoons for the soup being provided. Sometimes a knife and a fork were given to a European guest, who was supposed not to be able to use his fingers, or to be reluctant to do so. It was certainly difficult for one not accustomed to eat in this manner to gather up rice from a pilaf without scattering the greater part of it over the tray, or to convey to his mouth with decency and cleanliness made dishes, in which rich sauces and melted butter were the principal in- gredients.
At a formal Turkish dinner to which guests were invited, the regulation number of dishes served was, I believe, no less than forty-two. But at Ruh-ed-din Effendi's house on ordinary occasions they rarely ex- ceeded thirty. They came in succession, but each dish was so rapidly removed — the guest only having time given to him to dip his fingers once or twice in it, and, if he were not very alert, not being able to do so at all — that the repast did not last as long as might have been expected.
After the soup, came stewed meats, fish dressed in various ways, pastry, sweet and savoury, made dishes of eggs, and vegetables of different kinds, kaimak, a thick cream from buffalo's milk, prepared with sugar and honey, and a variety of other Turkish messes, served apparently without order — fish, meat, vegetables and sweets alternating. Some of these dishes were ex- ceedingly good and well cooked, especially those con-
54 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
sisting 01 fi sh, and the pastry. They were all prepared in the harem, and, when ready, were placed in a revolving cupboard or box which enabled the women to pass them to the men-servants without being themselves seen. The appearance of a huge pilaf was the sign that the dinner had come to an end, with the exception of a great china bowl filled with sherbet, or sugar and water flavoured with prunes, irom which the guests helped themselves with wooden spoons of pear-wood tastefully carved by Persian craftsmen.
When the last dish had been removed an attendant again appeared with the ewer and basin. When we had washed our hands we returned to the divans round the room, and pipes, narguiles, and coffee were served. Only water had been drunk during dinner, and no wine was served. In many Turkish houses it was the custom to hand small glasses of raki, a strong, warm, native brandy, and dried fruits and nuts to the guests to whet the appetite — and frequently something more — before dinner. But in Ruh-ed-din Effendi's house spirits were not drunk.
Amongst the guests at Ruh-ed-din Effendi's tray were generally some functionaries at the Porte — mostly from the Department of Foreign Affairs — and very frequently some influential personage from the provinces, who had come, or had been summoned, to Constantinople on business with the Government, sometimes too, a Circassian Chief, or a Turcoman Beg from central Asia on his way, as a pilgrim, to Mecca. Ahmed Vefyk sought to see and entertain such strangers, as he obtained from them useful and frequently important information on the state of far distant Mussulman countries and upon political matters of consequence.
I was also often able to obtain political and other in- formation, which proved of much use to Sir Stratford
1845] DOMESTIC HABITS 55
Canning, from the persons I thus met in the Effendi's house, as well as materials and news for the letters which I was then writing to the Morning Chronicle and other journals.
The guests who had been invited to dinner, or who had availed themselves of Ruh-ed-din Effendi's hospitality without invitation, usually sat for an hour after the tray had been removed, talking, smoking, and drinking coffee. They then left the house. Longworth and I then resumed our readings, our studies, or our discussions with Ahmed Vefyk. They usually lasted until a late hour, as he rarely went to bed before one or two o'clock in the morning, although he was a very early riser, like most Turks. When he retired to the harem for the night, the servants took mattresses, pillows, sheets, and coverlets from a spacious cupboard in the room in which we had been sitting. Two beds were made on the floor for my companion and myself. Everything was scrupulously clean and exceedingly comfortable, and we slept soundly. The household were usually astir by the Mohammedan hour of prayer, at sunrise. We rose also. The ewer and basin were brought to us to perform our ablutions. The mattresses and the remainder of the bedding were rolled up and replaced in the cupboard. We drank our coffee and smoked our morning pipes, and then returned on foot, generally leaving the house before our hosts had emerged from the harem.
I frequently passed a night in the same fashion, except as to the reading and study, in other Turkish houses, for I had a good many friends amongst the leading Turks. Armenian families, many of them of great wealth and of considerable influence at Constantinople, and even some of the leading Greeks who had not lived or travelled in Europe, or had not adopted European customs and
56 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
manners, then lived in the same way as the Turks ; their beds were kept in a cupboard, rolled up during the day and spread on the floor at night. They ate with their fingers, and sat upon low divans with their legs curled up under them.
A struggle for power was at this time taking place at Constantinople between the reform party, of which Reshid Pasha the author of the celebrated Hat-i-Sheraf of Gulhane, or new constitution for the Turkish Empire, was the head, and those Turkish statesmen who were opposed to the European institutions, which Sultan Mahmoud had attempted to introduce into the govern- ment and administration of his Empire. The most active and powerful amongst the latter was Riza Pasha, an able, unscrupulous and corrupt man, who, at times, exercised great influence over the Sultan, Abdul-Mejid, which he used to thwart the policy of his rival Reshid Pasha.
Sir Stratford Canning supported the reform party with characteristic energy and vigour. He was in constant and intimate communication with Reshid Pasha and his principal followers — such as AH and Fuad EfTendis, men of remarkable abilities, who afterwards rose to the highest offices in the Ottoman Empire. These communications were frequently of a very secret and confidential nature. Sir Stratford, availing himself of my knowledge of the Turkish character, and of my slight acquaintance with the Turkish language, was in the habit of employing me in them. The task he imposed upon me was a very delicate and difficult one, and, even in those days, not un- accompanied with danger. But it suited my adventurous and somewhat romantic disposition. The visits I had to pay to these statesmen on Sir Stratford's behalf, whether they were in office, or living in retirement and apparent
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i«4S] SYMPATHY WITH REFORMERS 57
disgrace when out of it, were usually made at night and always in the greatest secrecy, as it was of great importance that it should not be known that they were in communica- tion with the English Ambassador, and that they were acting upon his advice and encouragement. Sir Stratford himself was fond of mystery, and nothing pleased him better than this kind of underground correspondence — not to call it intrigue — which he would carry on with the Ministers, or with their opponents, through a person not officially connected with the Embassy, but in whom he had complete confidence. Many a night I have spent at Constantinople, or on the Bosphorus, engaged on these secret missions, sometimes meeting the person to whom I had been sent in out-of-the-way places — sometimes introduced surreptitiously into their harems, where I could see them without risk of interruption or discovery.
I thus became well acquainted with the leading men of the reform party and the enlightened and able states- men who were then at its head, and who were earnestly endeavouring to regenerate their country, and to bring its institutions into conformity with those of the most civilised and liberal of the European States. I obtained, moreover, a knowledge of Turkish politics which sub- sequently proved of great use to me. My opinions with respect to the Ottoman Empire entirely agreed with those of Sir Stratford Canning. I was convinced, as he was, that, unless its government was thoroughly reformed by the introduction of European institutions, by a funda- mental improvement in the administration, which was deplorably corrupt in all its branches, and by the better treatment of the Christians, and by placing them on an equal footing with the Mussulmans, its fall would not be far distant. To induce the Sultan and his Ministers to adopt those reforms was the object of Sir Stratford
58 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
Canning. As far as my humble ability and position permitted me, I seconded him with all my heart and soul.
Every effort was made by Russia through her Embassy at Constantinople, and through her agents, secret and avowed, to frustrate these attempts. At every turn he had to encounter and baffle her intrigues. Count Boutanieff, a crafty, vigilant, far-seeing and unscrupulous diplomatist, ever active in intrigue, but carefully abstaining from bringing himself into too much notice, or from in- terfering too openly in the affairs of the Porte, was then the Russian Minister at Constantinople. Between him and Sir Stratford Canning there was an incessant struggle — carried on, however, by each of them in a different way : the one, impetuous, and dictatorial ; the other, cautious and restrained. The English Ambassador imposing him- self upon the Turks, seeking to inspire them with awe, and to drive them into doing his bidding ; the Russian endeavouring to obtain his ends by cajolery, and by leading his victims by gentle and persuasive means to their destruction.
Whilst the Turks respected Sir Stratford Canning for his honesty, sincerity and truthfulness, and were persuaded that he was their friend, they resented his haughty interference in their affairs, and the incessant trouble and humiliation to which they were exposed by his line of action. On the other hand, they knew well enough that the Russian representative was working for their ruin, and that his soft and persuasive words were but the means by which he sought to effect it. But they preferred being led to being driven. In the end the more cautious and subtle policy of the Russian triumphed. It is reasonable to suppose that the treatment to which the Turkish Ministers were exposed from Sir Stratford was the cause of subsequent mischief by de-
i«4S] CANNING'S IRRITABILITY 59
stroying their self-respect and self-confidence, and im- pelling them to oppose or frustrate — if not openly, at least indirectly and not the less effectively — the reforms which, in the true interests of their country, he desired them to adopt. By using more conciliatory means he might have succeeded in his object.
The French Ambassador was, at that time, the Baron de Bourqueney — a conciliatory diplomatist of polished and very courteous manners. He did not enjoy the reputation of being a man of very commanding abilities. There was then, as there has been ever since, on the part of France, a great jealousy of England in the East, and a deep suspicion of her presumed designs. This led to constant misunderstandings between them, and was the cause of much mischief; for the Turkish authorities were not slow to take advantage of these jealousies, rivalries and dis- agreements of the representatives of the two Powers who ought to have acted cordially together. They played them off, with their usual cleverness and cunning, one against the other, and were thus able to persevere in their evil courses. Baron de Bourqueney was of so mild and amiable a disposition that it was difficult even for Sir Stratford Canning to come to an open quarrel with him. But the choleric English Ambassador did manage to do so — especially on one occasion, when he so lost his temper and used such violent language to his colleague that he exposed himself to a personal challenge.
The circumstances to which I now allude happened some time after I became first acquainted with Sir Stratford Canning. In consequence of a demand from M. de Bourqueney for an apology for certain expressions which Canning had used in the heat of discussion, the latter asked my advice as to the course he should take. I felt bound to tell him that in my opinion he was in
60 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
the wrong, and that it became him to withdraw the words to which exception had been taken, and to offer a full and ample apology. After a long discussion, he ended by accepting my advice, and agreed to write a letter of explanation to his French colleague as I had suggested. But the terms of this letter gave rise to serious questions. He wrote several drafts, none of which was satisfactory. Each succeeding objection that arose increased his anger, and the tone of his voice became so loud and menacing that Lady Canning rushed into the room fearing that some catastrophe had occurred. The letter, as finally amended, was sent, and the explanations given in it were accepted. A question which might have led to very disagreeable and serious results was thus satisfactorily settled, and friendly relations were resumed between the two Ambassadors.
The Austrian Empire was then represented at the Porte by the Baron de Sturmer, who had the title of " Inter - nuncio," with the rank of Ambassador. The Baron was a veteran diplomatist of much experience. He had been Austrian Commissioner at St Helena to watch, with others sent by the allied European Powers, over the security of Napoleon. He had there married a French woman, who held, I believe, a subordinate position in the household of one of the French Generals who had accompanied the Emperor in his captivity. She was a good-natured, kindly lady, much liked and esteemed in the small society of Pera for her generosity and hospitality. The Baron was a man of a quiet, un- assuming disposition, who took no very prominent or active part in politics, and who had acquired a good deal of influence at the Porte by the dispassionate and friendly advice he was always ready to give when required of him, and by his habit of carefully refraining from
1845] THE SPANISH MINISTER 61
any interference in the affairs of Turkey except when the interests of his country were immediately concerned. The position that he thus held at Constantinople enabled him to obtain much exact and valuable information as to the policy and proceedings of the Turkish Government, which was of no little value to a foreign representative at the Porte, and especially to Sir Stratford Canning. He consequently maintained very friendly relations with the Inter-nuncio, which were, however, occasionally interrupted by some outburst on his part. It was, indeed, sometimes very difficult for even the most enduring and forbearing of men entirely to avoid misunderstandings with the quick- tempered English Ambassador.
The colleague of whom Sir Stratford made the most use was the Spanish Minister, Senor de Cordova. Spain had but few interests in Turkey — those which she had being almost exclusively connected with Roman Catholic convents and churches in the Levant which she claimed to be under her protection ; and, as she abstained from any in- terference in Turkish affairs, her representative was trusted and treated with confidence by the Porte, was often con- sulted by it on international questions, and had ready access to the Ministers and leading members of the Ottoman Government. Senor de Cordova was sincerely attached to the English Ambassador, whose remarkable qualities and loyal and sincere character he fully appreci- ated. He was ready to place his influence and services at Sir Stratford's disposal, and became on many important occasions the secret and indirect channel of communication between Sir Stratford and the Turkish statesmen, and even the Sultan himself. Many weighty and urgent matters were treated through him, and brought to a satisfactory conclusion, which could not have been dealt with by the usual diplomatic means.
62 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
Sefior de Cordova was a man of good sense and excellent judgment, qualities which commended him to Sir Stratford Canning. He had been for many years representing his country at the Porte, and was intimately acquainted with its traditions and mode of conducting business, and with the intrigues in which its leading functionaries, from the highest to the lowest, Mussulmans and Christians, were incessantly engaged, and upon which, far more than upon the merits, the direction and settlement of almost every political question in Turkey depends. He was a man of an ancient and noble family, small in stature, and somewhat insignificant in appearance, and, like all Spaniards, very proud and susceptible and easily tak- ing offence. It showed the value that Sir Stratford Canning placed upon his services, and the esteem that they felt for each other, that a quarrel should not have taken place between them.
On one occasion, when at a dinner-party at the British Embassy the place inadvertently assigned at the table to M. de Cordova was not that to which he considered himself entitled from his rank and diplomatic precedence, he left the dining-room, took his hat, and quitted the house. It was some time before his absence was observed, and the cause of it ascertained. I was sent to make proper excuses and to beg him to return. He was already half-way down the street before I overtook him, and I had to use all my powers of persuasion to induce him to turn back.
On another occasion, Dr Wolff, the well-known Mission- ary, was maintaining at Sir Stratford Canning's table that the best families in Spain had Jewish blood in their veins, and, addressing himself to the Spanish Minister who was present, declared that even the Cordovas were not exempt from it. The little man bounded from his
1845] LIFE AT PERA 63
seat as if he had been shot, and drawing himself up, denied with the greatest indignation, and in the most pompous terms, a statement so offensive to his dignity and to his faith. The Doctor, turning to me, who was sitting next to him, observed in a stage whisper loud enough to be heard by the company : " That's all very fine, but what I have said is nevertheless perfectly true." The Don did not for- tunately understand English, or the consequences might have been serious.
Pera was at this time, as it has always been, and as it will always be, the centre of every manner of intrigue. Europeans, Turks, Armenians, Greeks, and all the outcasts of various nationalities who form the population of that polyglot and cosmopolitan suburb of Constantinople, were engaged in little else, whether political or personal. The representatives of the Great Powers, contending for influence, or seeking by every means at their command to promote the interests or policy of their respective govern- ments, had their secret agents in every quarter. What little society existed was not exempt from them. The most numerous and most active of these agents and spies were those in the pay of the Russian Embassy. They literally swarmed in the Turkish capital, and amongst them were known to be men in high position in the Sultan's palace and at the Porte. They were equally to be found amongst the best native Christian families, and even, it was suspected, amongst the Europeans who formed what might be termed the upper class in the social strata of the Frank quarters of the Turkish capital. The Greeks, principally those who were employed by the Turkish Government or those who had held high office under it, were the agents chiefly engaged in these intrigues. The Armenians did not then take the same active part in political affairs, nor occupy the same important offices as
64 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
they have since done. They were far less active than the Greeks, and had not the same relations with the Foreign representatives as their ambitious and more restless fellow- Christians. The Turks, consequently, trusted them more. The great functionaries of the Porte employed them chiefly as their bankers and agents, and but few of them held high offices. They were, however, cunning and skilful in money matters, and managed to make large fortunes out of those whom they served by advancing them money at usurious rates of interest. Every Pasha and high Turkish functionary had in those days his Armenian banker, who supplied him with funds when he received an appointment, and sometimes accompanied him when he was named to the Governorship of a town or province. As it may easily be imagined, these crafty financiers knew how to take advantage of the ignor- ance and reckless carelessness of their Turkish patrons, and soon availed themselves of these opportunities to enrich themselves at their expense. But they were not infre- quently made to disgorge their wealth by the summary, and frequently cruel, measures to which, before they could appeal, as now,1 to European protection and interference, they were exposed.
When I was first at Constantinople the manner of living of the Armenians was nearly similar to that of the Turks, except in the case of those families which had been con- verted to Roman Catholicism, and in which European habits and customs to a certain extent prevailed. Their women went abroad veiled, and were almost as carefully watched and guarded as the inmates of a Mohammedan harem. Their houses were built and furnished after the Turkish fashion. This similarity of manners was an additional recommendation to their Mussulman fellow- subjects, with whose language, moreover, they were far 1 This was written between the years 1883 and 1885. — Ed.
1845] ARMENIANS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 65
better acquainted than the Greeks, speaking it with greater correctness and fluency.
The principal private political agent of Sir Stratford Canning — he could scarcely be called his " secret " agent, as his connection with the British Embassy was generally known — was Vogorides Bey, a Greek gentleman of a distinguished Fanariote family, who had held high offices under the Turkish Government, and who had been the first Prince of Samos, after that island had obtained its autonomous constitution. This rank and title were consequently always given to him. He was a man of considerable shrewdness and intelligence, unscrupulous, and an accomplished intriguer, intimately acquainted with the Turkish character, and thoroughly familiar with the way of transacting business with them. He was on very intimate relations with most of the leading Ottoman statesmen, and had means of access to the members of the Sultan's household who enjoyed His Majesty's confidence and exercised the most influence over him. Sir Stratford had no great respect for the Prince of Samos' character, and was well aware of the danger of placing too much trust in him ; but he found him a most useful agent, and employed him in delicate and difficult negotiations. He had never, I believe, reason to suspect that the Prince did not serve him honestly, or to regret that he had trusted him.
Whilst the Prince of Samos was thus employed by the British Ambassador, the Grand Logothete, or official head, of the Greek community, was the principal secret agent of the Russian Embassy. He was a man of considerable capacity, very active and utterly unscrupulous. There was a constant rivalry between him and the Prince of Samos, and a struggle for influence in the palace and at the Porte. Their success varied, and it was not easy to say to which of the two public opinion gave the superiority. It was, VOL. II. E
66 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1841-
however, generally believed that the Prince of Samos exercised the more solid influence over the Turks, and was the more esteemed of the two, and especially by the Sultan.
The state of things that I have described was not calculated to render Pera a pleasant residence for those who were not required by their occupation or business to remain there. I loathed the place and its intrigues, and went very little into society, except at the British Embassy, where I passed much of my time, and where I was received with the utmost kindness by Sir Stratford and Lady Canning — a kindness for which I have ever been the more sensible, the more grateful, as it was shown to one who was a stranger to them, and who had at that time no claims whatever to it.
Soon after my return to Constantinople from my mission to the Western provinces of European Turkey, the joint mediation offered by the English and Russian Governments to Turkey and Persia to prevent a war, which was then on the point of breaking out between them, was accepted by the two Powers. Sir Stratford Canning was thus able to carry out his intention of avail- ing himself of the knowledge I had acquired during my travels in Mesopotamia and Khuzistan, and to employ me in the correspondence and negotiations which were to take place. The principal matters in dispute were certain parts of the frontiers between the two States — Persia claiming the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab, or united waters of the Tigris and Euphrates, from about sixty miles of their junction with the Persian Gulf, and certain districts in the mountains of Kurdistan which had been occupied by the Turks. Since the Matamet ed Dowleh's expedition against the sheikh of the Chaab Arabs, who had given an asylum to Mehemet Taki Khan, the Persians had occu- pied Muhammerah and some territory to the north of that
i845l TURKEY AND PERSIA 67
town. This territory was claimed by the Porte, and, as Persia refused to withdraw from it, the Turks were about to have recourse to war to enforce their claims. They were already fitting out an expedition against Muhammerah.
It was necessary for the Representatives of the media- ting Powers at Constantinople to make a careful investiga- tion into the claims of the contending parties, and to pro- pose to them for their acceptance a fair and equitable arrangement, founded upon their respective rights and interests. Sir Stratford Canning entrusted me with this duty on his part. I had to examine the evidence furnished by the Porte and the Persian Government in proof of their pretensions, consisting of a large number of documents, maps and surveys, many of them of ancient date, and to prepare a scheme for the settlement of the matters in dispute to be submitted to the British and Russian Governments for their approval before being presented to the two Powers.
I took great interest in the work, which was very congenial to my tastes. The knowledge which I had acquired of the territory in dispute, and of the history and traditions of the tribes which inhabited it, proved of much use to me. I was able to prepare a project of settlement which appeared to me just to both parties, and warranted by the proofs which they had produced in support of their respective claims. It was entirely approved by Sir Stratford Canning, and sent by him to Lord Aberdeen to be communicated to the Russian Government. He fully expected that he would speedily receive authority to submit it to the Porte for its acceptance.
The result of my examination of the evidence and maps furnished to me was that the claims of Turkey to the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab and to Muhammerah
68 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
were well founded. Persia had never exercised more than a nominal jurisdiction over the territory in dispute, the right to which had always been asserted by the Porte. The Arab tribes which inhabited it were semi-independent, acknowledging at one time the supremacy of the Sultan, at other times that of the Shah. The question was much complicated by a change which had taken place in the lower part of the course of the Karun. In the early part of this century, as may be seen by maps of the time, this river discharged itself into the Persian Gulf by more than one outlet, the principal of which was known as the Bahmehshire. As it rose in the mountains of Luristan, and the whole of its course was through Persian territory, it was unquestionably a Persian river, and Persia had undoubted claims to the lands on both its banks.
But a canal had been cut to unite this river and the Shat-el-Arab, known as the "Hafar" (a name which denotes its artificial origin), and upon its banks Muhammerah had been built by the Sheikh of the Chaab Arabs. In the course of time the waters of the Karun, which frequently descend from the mountains in a rapid stream, had enlarged this canal, and the main body of the river came to discharge itself into the Shat- el-Arab through it. Consequently, Persia now claimed the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab below the Hafar, with the town and district of Muhammerah as Persian territory. The original mouth of the Karun, the Bahmehshire, was still open and navigable — at least to vessels of moderate draught — as I had proved by descending it to the Persian Gulf in the East India Company's steamer Nitocris with her commander, Lieutenant Selby. The earlier mouths of this river, to the east of the Bahmehshire, had been gradually deserted by it, and were silted up and dry. In fact, the Karun had for centuries been forcing its
i845] BOUNDARY DISPUTE 69
way westwards, until it found a convenient outlet for the principal portion of its waters through the Hafar Canal, or the Shat-el-Arab, or Euphrates.
The Porte contended, not without reason, that as the Euphrates was a Turkish river, running through the dominions of the Sultan from its source, it was unjust, and against universally recognised principles, to give to Persia one of its banks, and consequently the control of its outlet into the sea, merely because a Persian river had changed its course, and had invaded a territory which did not appertain to the Shah. A command of the trade and navigation of a great river which had flowed for more than 1000 miles through the Turkish dominions would thus be given to a Power which might, if hostile to Turkey, close it at its mouth. The Bahmehshire, the Porte main- tained, was the true outlet of the Karun, and might, without much trouble or expense, be rendered navigable to any vessel engaged in the trade of that river, and that consequently the possession of the entrance to the Shat- el-Arab was in no way necessary to Persia for her water communication between the sea and the province of Khuzistan. It was further able to show by ancient maps and documents that the frontiers of Persia had never reached the Shat-el-Arab, and that the whole of the delta between the mouth of that river and the Bahmehshire had originally belonged to Turkey.
I considered the contention of the Porte just and well- founded. I consequently proposed in my scheme, as a fair compromise, that the new frontier line should be drawn through the desert country to the west of Hawizah, at some distance from the Shat-el-Arab, and, crossing the Hafar in the centre of its course, should be carried midway down the delta to the sea. Turkey would thus have remained in possession of the two banks of the Euphrates throughout the whole of its course.
70 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
My suggestion, approved and adopted by Sir Stratford Canning, was submitted by Lord Aberdeen to the Russian Government, which declined to accede to it. It not only upheld the claims of Persia to Muhammerah and the left bank of the Shat-el-Arab from the Hafar to the sea, but actually insisted upon the cession to her of territory on the east bank of the river, which she had not even claimed, to almost the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris at Kurna — thus giving her the control of the navigation of both those rivers, which were destined to form the means of communication with the very heart of the south-eastern provinces of Asiatic Turkey.
Lord Aberdeen, who was desirous of deferring to Russia, adopted her views, and instead of authorising Sir Stratford Canning, as he had expected, to submit the project which I had drawn up, and which he had approved, to the Porte, and to the Persian Government through its representative at Constantinople, instructed him to recom- mend to them the adoption of the scheme advocated by Russia. Canning sent for me after the arrival of Lord Aberdeen's despatch to this effect. I found him walking up and down his study like a lion in his cage — his brows knit, his lips compressed, and his delicate complexion flushed and indicative of great anger. Without saying a word he handed me the despatch. I read it, and remarked that I was deeply grieved to find that Lord Aberdeen had come to a decision which was not consistent, in my opinion, with justice and right — was not in the interests of England, and might at some future period have serious consequences.
This aroused his righteous indignation. He broke into a violent tirade against Lord Aberdeen, whom he accused of being subservient to Russia, and of considering her interests more than those of his own country, and of being hostile to him personally, because he had considered it his
IMPORTANCE OF MUHAMMERAtt 71
duty to oppose her ambitious designs in the East. He denounced in vehement language the Emperor Nicholas, who, he declared, had a personal enmity to him, and was determined to thwart his policy on every occasion, to which determination he attributed the rejection of his suggestion for the settlement of the Turco-Persian difficulty. It was long before he recovered his temper and became somewhat calmer. He directed me to draw up an answer to Lord Aberdeen's despatch, pointing out the objections to the arrangement proposed by Russia, and the injustice that would be done to the Porte, and the discredit that would fall upon England as an arbitrator and mediator, if she showed so flagrant a spirit of partiality to Persia.
I wrote the draft of a despatch in this sense, which was adopted by Sir Stratford Canning. But it failed to produce the desired effect, and nothing remained to him but to carry out the instructions he had received from his chief. The Porte protested against the decision of the mediating Powers, and against the sacrifice of territory It was called upon to make. But It was in the end compelled to yield in the face of the threatening insistence of two such Powers as England and Russia.
I was deeply impressed with the importance of the position of Muhammerah, of which, I was firmly convinced, any Power having great commercial and political interests in the East would at some future time endeavour to take advantage. It commanded the entrance to the Euphrates and Tigris, which are navigable to the very heart of the Turkish dominions in Asia, and that of the Karun, which flowed through one of the richest, though one of the most neglected, provinces of Persia, and which I had proved to be also navigable as far as Shuster and Dizful. These rivers were consequently destined, in my belief, to become great military and trading highways. It was to the interest of England that their mouths should not be in the posses-
72 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
sion of a Power which might be hostile to her. In those days Turkey was her old and faithful ally, and the influence she possessed at the Porte was predominant, and far greater than that of any other European nation — for the Turks believed that she was their friend, and was really desirous of maintaining the independence and promoting the prosperity of the Ottoman Empire. All classes of the Turkish populations, whatever their race or creed, had then this conviction, and England was in a privileged position which might have enabled her to establish communications and trade by those great rivers, which would have been as advantageous to her interests as to those of Turkey herself, and would have contributed to the order and civilisation of a great tract of country, which was reduced to a desert in consequence of the depredations and lawlessness of wild Arab tribes. The only way to induce them to form permanent settlements, to cultivate the soil, and to become peaceful and revenue-paying subjects of the Sultan, was by creating a market for their produce. This could only be done by the introduction of foreign enterprise and capital in the navigation of these rivers. It was of no less importance to the political interests of England that, in the event of need, she should be able to send troops by water almost to the foot of the great chain of mountains which separates the high lands of Asia Minor and of Persia from Syria and the vast Mesopotamian plains.
The Porte having been compelled to accept the Russian project for the settlement of the differences with Persia, the next step was to appoint a Commission to delineate the new frontier between that country and Turkey. It was to consist of Commissioners appointed by those two Powers, and by the mediating Governments of England and Russia. It had been Sir Stratford Canning's intention to employ me as one of them, in recognition of the services which I had been able to
i«45] BOUNDARY COMMISSIONERS 73
render him, and he accordingly proposed my appointment to Lord Aberdeen. But my views on the Turco-Persian and Servian questions had not been such as to induce the Foreign Office to look upon me with favour. Colonel Williams, afterwards known as Sir Fenwick Williams of Kars,1 was selected for that office : Mr Robert Curzon, the author of a popular and pleasantly written book on the convents of the Levant, who had accompanied Sir Strat- ford to Constantinople in the capacity of private secretary, was appointed to be his colleague.2
Colonel Williams, with Lieutenant Collingwood Dick- son,8 had been sent to Constantinople by the British Govern- ment at the request of the Porte, to instruct the Turks in the manufacture of explosives. They were both officers in the Royal Artillery, and in after years distinguished them- selves greatly by their military achievements. They were gentlemanly and amiable men, with whom I contracted a close and lasting friendship. Williams had already reached middle age. He did not possess remarkable abilities, but was honest, straightforward, trustworthy, and thoroughly loyal to his friends. Dickson, who was of my own age, was a brave, cool, and daring soldier, much cleverer than his colleague, full of life, spirits, and fun, and with the simplicity of a child. He was well acquainted with the details of his profession, possessed an excellent memory, and had all the qualities required to render him successful in his career, in which he acquired distinction and eminence.
The two brother officers resided together in a house belonging to an Armenian family, in the village of Ortakiui, on the Bosphorus. I spent many happy hours with them
1 General Sir William Fenwick Williams, Bart, G.C.B. (1800-83).
2 I was afterwards named by Lord Palmerston joint Commissioner for the delimitation of the Turco-Persian frontier with Sir Fenwick Williams, but I resigned the appointment to undertake my second expedition to Nineveh for the Trustees of the British Museum.
3 General Sir Collingwood Dickson, V.C., K.C.B.
74 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
there. They were both excellent companions, and their society enabled me to wile away many weary hours that I was destined to pass in the Turkish capital. A merry and, it must be confessed, a somewhat reckless and riotous party used to meet in their apartments, and very frequently turned " night into day." Amongst those who used to join it were several young Turks, and foremost amongst them -—for fun and frolic— was my gifted friend, Ahmed Vefyk Effendi, who was always ready for any wild prank, and who, in European society, laid aside the grave and dignified demeanour which he knew so well how to assume when in company of his grave and sedate Mussulman fellow-country- men. His contagious laugh was the loudest in the com- pany, and his enjoyment of some silly practical joke was unbounded. I remember an occasion when he was himself the victim of one. He had joined our merry party on the eve of the Bairam, the great annual feast-day, when the Ministers and the great functionaries have to appear before the Sultan to offer him their respects. The ceremony takes place early in the morning. As Ahmed Vefyk already held a high office at the Porte it was necessary for him to join in it. Intending to pass the night at Orta- kiui, he had dressed himself in readiness to present himself with his colleagues, and wore the large diamond plaque or star, which denoted his rank.
It was our habit, when we remained for the night with our military friends, to do as the Armenians usually did — to divest ourselves of our coats and to sleep on the divans which surrounded the spacious rooms. When we had all retired to rest after a merry and riotous evening, one of the party bethought himself to remove and conceal the Effendi's diamond star. When it was morning, and he had made his simple ablutions preparatory to leaving the house for the Imperial Palace, where the ceremony was held, and which was not far distant from Ortakiui, he
i«45l ARMENIAN WEDDING 75
missed his plaque. Search was everywhere made for it, but in vain. The person who had taken it had completely forgotten where he had concealed it. As the hour for the ceremony approached, the Effendi was compelled to leave in haste to borrow a similar " decoration " from an ex- Minister who lived hard by — for without it he could not present himself before the Sultan, and his absence would have been noted against him.
It was not until many days after that the missing plaque was found by a servant when cleaning the room, beneath the mattress of a divan, and restored to its anxious owner.
I remember, too, when the marriage of a daughter of the owner of the house was celebrated. The festivities lasted for three days and three nights, and Williams and Dickson had very good-naturedly allowed the revels to take place in the apartments which they occupied. The dancing and singing and drinking of raki were carried on incessantly. There were relays of musicians who kept up their discordant noise of riddles and hautboys. When the dancers could dance no longer, they stretched them- selves on the divans and went to sleep, and were suc- ceeded by others. Raki and sweetmeats were constantly handed about, and occasionally the guests adjourned to the great hall, where abundant pilaj, kibaubs (bits of meat roasted on a skewer) and dolmas or vegetables stuffed with minced meat, were served to them. Such orgies were then the fashion amongst the Armenians on the occasion of the celebration of a marriage.
Soon after my arrival at Constantinople I became very intimate with Mr Charles Alison, who was then attached as Chief Interpreter, and afterwards became Oriental Secretary, to the British Embassy. The friendship which we then contracted lasted until his death, and was never clouded. He had real genius, and was singularly gifted.
76 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
He was perhaps the man most highly endowed by nature that I have ever known. His qualities of head and heart were equally remarkable. He was generous, affectionate, unselfish, of the most amiable disposition and the most equal temper, and modest and retiring. He was an accomplished linguist, speaking and writing Turkish, Persian, Greek, and several European languages, with perfect facility, and having a sufficient knowledge of Arabic. He was a skilful musician, playing on several instruments, and would have been an accomplished artist had he given himself seriously to art. His memory was singularly tenacious, and, although he had not read much, he had retained all that he had read.
All these great gifts were unfortunately marred to a certain extent by an eccentricity of conduct and an uncon- ventionality in what he said and did — an attempt to conceal them and an apparent desire to appear the very opposite to what he really was — which rendered him unpopular and almost offensive to those who only judged him by his somewhat rough and forbidding manners and appearance. His features were singularly refined and expressive, but his fine brow and highly intellectual countenance were dis- figured by a bushy, dishevelled head of hair and a capacious beard, which he had the habit of pushing upwards so as to conceal his face.
His various talents and his really splendid intelligence had never been cultivated. He had received no education whatever, and was entirely self-taught. He had acquired by himself, and almost by intuition, his numerous and varied accomplishments. He seemed able to do, without effort and instinctively, anything that he desired to do. I have seen him take up a musical instrument which was new to him and obtain a mastery over it in a few hours. He was very reticent concerning himself and his family. Although we were intimate friends and companions for
x84S] MR CHARLES ALISON 77
many years, and I enjoyed, I believe, his entire confi- dence, he never spoke to me on the subject. Nor did he, as far as I know, to any one else. I have heard that he was the son of a paymaster in an English regiment stationed at Malta, where, it was said, he had been born. As a mere boy he showed that independence and originality of character which distinguished him in after life by running away from his home. He embarked with a lad of his own age in a small open boat, and, hoisting sail, put off to sea. They were driven by the wind to the coast of Sicily, which they reached without accident. The authorities of the district where they landed arrested the two youthful adventurers, who were unprovided with passports and other necessary docu- ments, and they were confined in prison until their story was confirmed by explanations from their parents, who had given them up for lost. They were then sent back to their friends.
Shortly after this adventure young Alison was sent to a Mr Mayor, a distant relation, who held the post of British Consul-General in Albania, and resided at Janina. He remained in the office of this gentleman for some years, and there acquired that intimate knowledge of the language, manners, and character of Turks and Greeks which afterwards distinguished him, and led to his appoint- ment as Oriental Secretary to the British Embassy at Constantinople.
His remarkable talents were at once recognised by Sir Stratford Canning, who soon took him into his entire confidence, and made use of him in his most secret and delicate negotiations with the Turkish Ministers and the Porte. But he never put himself forward, and it was only those in the secret who knew how important his services were, and to how large a share he was entitled in the triumphs of Sir Stratford.
78 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-
Whilst thus keeping himself in the background from a strong sense of duty, and leaving all the credit of what he might accomplish to his chief, his independent character led him to "stand up" to the impetuous Ambassador. He always met his outbreaks of temper with imper- turbable calm, boldly told him truths which it was frequently very disagreeable to him to hear, and allowed his wrath to work itself out. Although Sir Stratford was little accustomed to tolerate opposition, which usually only further excited his quick temper, he could not but respect and admire Alison's perfect truthfulness, loyalty, and independence. He consulted him upon every question, usually acted upon his advice, and in his presence became as gentle as a lamb, although a few minutes before he was as a roaring lion.
Alison exercised the same influence over the members of Sir Stratford's family. His inexhaustible good-nature made him ever ready to promote their amusements, to execute their various commissions, and to accompany them in their picnics and expeditions. He would play the harmonium in the chapel for Lady Canning, or the piano — upon which he was a most skilful and delight- ful performer — to amuse herself or her guests. He would play with the children, and devise new entertain- ments for them. They were all consequently devoted to him.
In his intercourse with Turkish officials he maintained the same calm and equal demeanour as he showed in his intercourse with the Ambassador, was perfectly straight- forward and truthful, and scorned the petty intrigues upon which the agents employed by the foreign representatives at the Porte have generally relied to carry out the policy and instructions of their chiefs. This mode of dealing with the Turkish statesmen and officials pleased and gratified them, and enabled him to obtain far greater
i84S] MR CHARLES ALISON 79
influence over them than any of his rivals. At the same time, he always showed a spirit of independence in his dealing with them, and made them feel that he was capable of resenting any attempt to deceive him.
Many amusing anecdotes were current in Constanti- nople of his way of treating those, Mussulmans or Christians, who gave him cause of offence, and did not treat him with the respect which he considered his due. Amongst them I remember the following. Sir Stratford Canning had sent him to transact some business of moment with the Grand Vizir, who was a Turk of the old school, notorious for his bigotry and intolerance. In the middle of a discussion the Prime Minister rose from his seat and proceeded to say his customary prayers on a carpet which an attendant had spread for him on the floor. He concluded them with the usual curse, very audibly and significantly uttered, upon all giaour, or infidels — the name then given to all Christians indiscriminately — and went through the motion of spitting over his right and left shoulders to show his horror of them ; he then resumed his seat, and renewed the conversation as if nothing had occurred to interrupt it.
After a short interval Alison left the divan, and going into a corner of the room, began to repeat in Turkish an extemporary prayer in which he invoked similar curses upon the followers of Islam. The Pasha jumped up in a violent passion, and reminded him of the fate which, according to the Mussulman law, was reserved for those who dared to blaspheme the religion of Islam and its Prophet. Alison very quietly replied that, like the Pasha himself, he had only performed a duty by saying his prayers at that particular hour, and that he had no doubt that the denunciations they contained against Mohamme- dans were as much a matter of form, and of as little
8o POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1842-45
significance, as the curses which His Highness had a short time before launched against those who professed the Christian faith.1
1 A man of Alison's character and original and somewhat eccentric habits was not likely to be a favourite at the Foreign Office. Although for many years, and under successive Ambassadors, he had had the almost exclusive conduct of the affairs of the Embassy at Constanti- nople, and had carried to a successful issue, by his extraordinary diplomatic skill, many questions of the utmost delicacy and moment, and had acquired the esteem and confidence of his chiefs, who had strongly recommended him for promotion and for employment in an independent position worthy of his abilities, and at the head of an important mission, it was not until 1860 that he was named H.M. Minister at Teheran, where he died in 1872.
CHAPTER IV
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CONSTANTINOPLE — contitmed.
1843-1845
As Sir Stratford Canning had failed to obtain for me the appointment on the Turco-Persian Commission, I thought of returning to England ; but he advised me to remain at Constantinople, holding out hopes that he would be able to overcome the prejudice which Lord Aberdeen evidently entertained against me, and that he would in the end get me permanently employed at the Embassy as one of his attaches. The prospect of entering the diplomatic service, which was then the great object of my ambition, induced me to act upon his advice. Sir Stratford was the more anxious to avail himself of my services, as Reshid Pasha, the author of the celebrated Hat-i-Sheraf of Gulhane, which was intended to endow the Turkish Empire with liberal institutions similar to those of the Constitutional States of Europe, had become Grand Vizir. This eminent statesman was eager to carry out the reforms of which this imperial " Hat," or Decree, was to form the basis. He relied upon the support of the English Ambassador, who had contributed in no small degree, through his influence with the Sultan and at the Porte, to obtain Reshid's appointment as Prime Minister, and who warmly approved of his policy, as the only one VOL. II. F 81
82 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
which, if acted upon with vigour and sincerity, could save the Ottoman Empire from the fate which he could not but perceive was impending over it.
He was ready to give Reshid Pasha his aid and advice in all that related to the introduction of reforms in the administration and government of the Empire. It was necessary with this object to be in constant communication with the Grand Vizir. But it was of equal importance to both, in consequence of the jealousy and susceptibilities of the Representatives of the other great Powers, and of rival Turkish statesmen, that these communications should be carried on as secretly as possible. Sir Stratford would not, therefore, employ in them any member of the Embassy, whose comings and goings would be speedily known in a place so full of intrigue and spies as Constanti- nople, and especially its European suburb of Pera. He determined to avail himself of my services in his inter- course with Reshid, with whom I had become acquainted through Ahmed Vefyk Effendi, and for whose political views I had an ardent admiration, being convinced that the only way of " regenerating " (the term then employed) the Ottoman Empire was to put into execution the contemplated reforms.
I was constantly passing backwards and forwards between the Embassy and Reshid's house in Stamboul, or his konak on the Bosphorus. I frequently passed the night under his roof, and sometimes in the middle of it had to go in a caique to Buyukdere", when Sir Stratford with his family was in the country, at the great risk of being arrested and carried off to a Turkish guard-house by the water-police. This kind of semi-diplomatic, semi- political work was of great interest and of great use to me. It gave me the opportunity of seeing much of two re- markable and eminent men ; and it enabled me to obtain
1845] RESHID PASHA 83
much valuable information with respect to Turkish politics and the condition and prospects of the Turkish Empire, which subsequently proved of much service to me. It was eminently congenial to my opinions and feelings, as I entered, heart and soul, into Sir Stratford Canning's views and policy for the reform of the administration of the Turkish Empire, and especially for the better government and improvement of the condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, to whom the Hat-i-Sheraf of Gulhane had promised equal liberties and rights with the Mussulmans — a promise which had unfortunately been evaded, and of which it was one of the main objects of Sir Stratford's policy to obtain the accomplishment.
I have a lively recollection of the many hours spent in discussions on these matters with Reshid Pasha — dis- cussions which frequently lasted far into the night. It was not easy to satisfy Sir Stratford Canning, to carry out his instructions, and to obtain all that he required from the Grand Vizir. Reshid had, I believe, a sincere respect, even admiration, for the English Ambassador, and a perfect trust in his loyalty and good faith, and was desirous of acting as much as possible upon his advice. But he had great and serious difficulties to contend with, both in the Palace and the Porte, and he was wont to complain that Sir Stratford did not make sufficient allowance for these difficulties, and treated him in too overbearing and imperious a fashion. This complaint was not, I thought, without foundation. I was always of opinion that the manner in which Sir Stratford was in the habit of treating Turkish statesmen — even men so anxious to satisfy and please him as Reshid — did more harm than good. I did not hesitate on more than one occasion to brave his anger by telling him so. His demeanour towards them was of such a kind that the Turkish Ministers were in
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the utmost dread of him, and availed themselves of every possible excuse to avoid a personal interview with him if matters of an irritating nature were to be discussed. I was more than once present at painful scenes between him and Reshid and other members of the Government. If some demand which he had made was not acceded to, he would rise to his feet, knit his brows, and pour upon the un- fortunate Pasha, who, frightened out of his wits, would cower in the corner of the divan, a torrent of invective, accompanied by menacing gestures.
Alison, who knew his chief better than any one, used to say that these ebullitions of temper were assumed in order to produce an effect, and that they were completely under his control, and could be put aside at once when his object had been gained. But I have always doubted if this was so, and am convinced that when he was excited by what he believed to be an act of wrong, injustice, or bad faith, or when his moral sense or dignity was in any way offended, he lost command over himself, and allowed his excitable nature to get the better of him. His secretaries and attaches were so much in fear of these scenes that when they were called into his room, especially on "messenger days," when they were more than usually liable to occur, they would keep hold of the handle of the door so as to be ready to beat a retreat at the first signs of a storm.
The habit of Sir Stratford Canning of browbeating and domineering over the Turkish Ministers and the Porte was, in my opinion, productive of very evil consequences. It compelled even the most honest and straightforward of them to have recourse to every manner of subterfuge in order to deceive him, and to avoid scenes to which their sense of dignity forbade them to submit ; whereas they were really ready to meet his views and to act upon
i84S] SIR S. CANNING'S METHODS 85
his advice, if he would only make some allowance for the difficulties of their position, and permit them to do as he required in their own fashion.
Moreover, the success which was supposed to have attended Sir Stratford's method of treating the Turkish Ministers, and the credit for energy and spirit that he was believed to have acquired by it, induced other foreign Representatives to have recourse to the same means to obtain their ends. But these ends were not always as honest, and as advantageous to the interests of the Ottoman Empire and of its various populations, as those of the English Ambassador, who had the good of Turkey and the improvement of her administration sincerely at heart. Thus he set that fashion of using threatening language in order to obtain concessions from the Turkish Government, which was too readily followed by his colleagues, although with less justification. The natural consequence was that the Turkish Ministers, who found themselves under the necessity of submitting to this kind of treatment, in course of time lost all sense of dignity and self-respect, and, if they had retained any spirit of independence, it soon disappeared. I am convinced that, had Sir Stratford Canning shown a more conciliatory and appreciative disposition in his dealings with Turkish statesmen, he would have accomplished more, and might have saved the Empire from some of the disasters which subse- quently befell it. The system he adopted was calculated to destroy the little prestige and authority which remained to the Porte, and it gradually undermined its independ- ence, till each foreign Representative was endeavouring to outdo his colleagues in worrying the unfortunate Turks who were charged with the administration of public affairs.
The terror which Sir Stratford Canning inspired in the
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Turkish Ministers and Pashas was amusing to witness. The only one amongst them who ventured to stand up against him, and to brave his frown, was Ahmed Vefyk Effendi. He consequently soon fell under the Ambassadorial displeasure. I remember on one occasion, when he dined at the Embassy, a discussion arising between him and the Ambassador as to the imprisonment by the Turkish police at Galata of some British subject, a rascally Ionian or Maltese, who had, no doubt, been seized flagrante delicto^ when committing some crime richly deserving punishment. The Effendi attempted to justify the conduct of the Turkish authorities. Sir Stratford maintained that they had violated the capitula- tions by apprehending a British subject without going through the required formalities, which, it may be observed, usually enabled the criminal to effect his escape. The dispute waxed warm, and the expression on the counten- ance of the Ambassador announced an approaching storm. Suddenly striking the table with his fist, he exclaimed : " And supposing I went down myself to Galata with a cawass to effect the release of the prisoner, what would your authorities venture to do?" "Why," replied the Effendi with his imperturbable calm, " they would probably put you and your cawass in the prison to join him — and they would only be doing their duty!" It would be difficult to describe the burst of anger to which this somewhat audacious answer gave rise. Although Sir Stratford could not but admire the singular abilities of this remarkable man, he looked upon him as much too independent in his opinions, and as unmanageable, and consequently as a dangerous Minister should he attain to high rank and to power.
If I have ventured to express doubts as to the wisdom and prudence of the mode in which Sir Stratford Canning
i84Sl RESHID PASHA 87
dealt with the Turkish Government, I am bound to say that he was always actuated by the highest and purest motives, and that in all he did, and attempted to do, he had but the interests of his own country and the welfare of the Turkish Empire in view. The Turks themselves were convinced of this, and whilst they personally feared and even perhaps disliked him, they respected his honesty, and believed him to be their true friend. And such is the reputation which he left amongst men of all classes.
My constant intercourse with Reshid Pasha, in conse- quence of my employment by Sir Stratford Canning as a means of communicating confidentially and secretly with him, enabled me to form a judgment upon the character and qualities of this remarkable man. He was morally courageous and resolute, but physically timid and weak. He had convinced himself by the study of European history, and by a practical acquaintance with the principal countries of Europe which he had visited, that it was abso- lutely necessary for the preservation of the Turkish Empire that it should be endowed with the political institutions which had given power and strength and wealth to civilised nations. He had acquired the French language, and through it had studied much of the political literature of Europe. He had thrown off most of the prejudices and traditionary superstitions of his creed and race. He sought the society and conversation of well-informed and instructed Euro- peans, and was amongst the first Turkish statesmen who adopted, to a certain extent, European manners and habits. When I first made his acquaintance, he was building his fine Yali at Balta Liman on the Bosphorus, which he fitted up in the European fashion with every comfort and luxury, and adorned with beautiful gardens laid out in the European style.
88 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
He had warmly entered into the schemes of Sultan Mahmoud for the introduction of various reforms, upon the European model, into the Turkish army and civil administration of the Empire. He was soon recognised as the head of the liberal party, of which he was the most enlightened and able, and at the same time the most earnest and conscientious, member. He had the welfare and regeneration of his country sincerely at heart, and he was as patriotic and honest as a Turkish statesman could be who lived in the midst of so much intrigue, treachery and vice. Few men in Turkey who have attained any power or authority have been insensible to a bribe, or have obtained the property they might possess by strictly legitimate means. Although Reshid Pasha may have acquired his considerable fortune in a manner not alto- gether consonant with our ideas of integrity and public duty, he was never, I believe, accused of having betrayed the interests of his country, or of promoting those of her enemy from unworthy and corrupt motives.
The position of Reshid Pasha was one of very great difficulty, like that of all really honest Turkish statesmen who have sought to reform the corrupt and demoralising administration which has gradually brought the Empire to decay and ruin. He had against him all those who from bigotry, ignorance and self-interest were opposed to the introduction of all reforms, and especially of those derived from a European and Christian source. They formed a very great and powerful party. Supported by so energetic and determined a sovereign as Sultan Mahmoud, Reshid Pasha might have held his ground successfully against his enemies. But Mahmoud's successor, Abdul Mejid ,who was on the throne at the time of which I am writing, although a well-meaning and honest man and really desirous of protecting the rights and promoting the happiness and welfare of all classes of his subjects, was
i845] RIZA PASHA 89
of a more weak and yielding nature than his father and predecessor, and more ready to yield to the remonstrances and intrigues of those who were opposed to the policy of Reshid Pasha and to the reforms which he was endeavouring to introduce.
At the head of this retrograde party was Riza Pasha, a man of considerable ability, but without education, having risen from a very low origin, ignorant of European languages, and opposed to all progress except that which might improve the condition and increase the strength of the army, of which it was his object, for his own purposes, to place himself at the head. He was well-versed in every kind of Oriental intrigue, thoroughly unscrupulous, and of great activity and energy. As the leader of the opponents of Reshid Pasha's liberal policy, he had the support of the Ulema, the professors of Mussulman religion and law, and of all those— and they were many and powerful — who looked upon the reforms which that statesman was seeking to introduce as at variance with the creed of Islam, and as an insult to their faith. In addition to those who acted from conscientious motives, and who really believed that their religion was in danger, was that always vast crowd of public functionaries and others, who found in the existing abuses and maladministration the means of acquiring power and wealth, and who were determined to resist to the utmost any attempt to abolish or reform them.
To the opponents of Reshid Pasha may be added a small body of able, enlightened, thoughtful and honest men, of which Ahmed Vefyk Effendi became the type, who, whilst anxious that the corrupt and incapable administra- tion of public affairs should be reformed and purified, were of opinion that the necessary reforms could only be safely and effectually accomplished upon Turkish and Mussulman lines, and that great prudence and caution were required in putting them into execution. They were of opinion
90 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843-
that an attempt to introduce, wholesale, European in- stitutions into Turkey, and to engraft European civilisation upon the ancient traditionary Turkish political system, before it was prepared for so great an innovation, could not possibly prove successful, and must inevitably so weaken the Ottoman Empire that it would lose the little strength and independence that it still possessed. They main- tained, at the same time, that the ancient Turkish political system and institutions, and the Mussulman religion, contained the elements of progress, civilisation, and good and just government, if they were only honestly and justly developed. These men have been proved by the result of the attempt to reform the Ottoman Empire on European lines to have been to a great degree in the right. Although they thought that Reshid Pasha was going too fast, and that his endeavours to Europeanise the Turks were unwise and dangerous, they did not join the corrupt, ignorant and fanatical men who were banded together against him, under Riza Pasha and other Turkish statesmen of the old retrograde school. They held as much as possible aloof from public affairs, although for the most part functionaries of the Porte, or employed in other public departments of the State. I was acquainted with, and saw a good deal of several of them, and learnt much from their conversation and the arguments and statements with which they supported their views. I must confess that I was disposed to agree to a great extent in them. I shared their doubts as to the possibility of engrafting a European and Christian upon an Oriental and Mohammedan civilisation, and as to the consequences to the Ottoman Empire of forcing upon its varied populations, of different races and creeds, the institutions of European constitutional States.
But, although I might have agreed in many of their views, I could not but express my earnest conviction
i84s] THE CHRISTIAN QUESTION 91
that unless greater liberty was accorded to the Christian populations in the Ottoman Empire ; unless they were accorded equal political rights to those enjoyed by their Mussulman fellow-subjects ; and unless they received that protection for their honour, lives, and property, to which they were entitled, but of which, unhappily, they were too often deprived, the sympathies of European nations and peoples in their behalf, and the feeling of indignation to which their wrongs and sufferings must of necessity give rise, would inevitably unite the European Powers against Turkey, would deprive her of the friendship and support of England, and of her other allies, and bring upon her in the end the most fatal calamities.
The only argument used by those who disputed my views was that it would be impossible to grant to the Christian populations — and especially to those inhabiting the European provinces of the Turkish Empire — complete liberty, and all the political rights enjoyed by their Mussul- man fellow - subjects, without placing in their hands the means of rising against the Turkish rule, and of over- throwing it. They admitted that the condition of the Christians was very far from satisfactory, that they had good cause to complain in too many instances of ill- treatment. But they maintained that this was not the fault of either the Turkish laws or institutions, which, if justly and properly administered, were amply sufficient to secure to all the Sultan's subjects alike all the justice, protection, and good government which were necessary to secure their happiness and prosperity, to remove all valid grounds of complaint on their part which could justify foreign interference, and to render them content with their lot. The real cause of the suffering and dis- content of the Christians they attributed to the corruption and incapacity of public functionaries, in the capital and the provinces ; and they maintained that the remedy for
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this state of things did not consist in the introduction of political and social institutions opposed to the feelings and habits of the people, but in the thorough reform and puri- fying of the administration, and in the employment of honest and capable men in the conduct of public affairs at Constantinople and in the provinces.
Reshid Pasha had also his ardent followers and disciples, who were imbued with his political ideas, and who were sincere and earnest advocates for the introduc- tion of European constitutional institutions in the adminis- tration of the Ottoman Empire. He founded a school of Turkish statesmen, who were destined after his death to take the leading part in the government of the country. They were for the most part enlightened and able men, who were acquainted with at least one European language, generally French, who had been employed in a diplomatic or some other official capacity by more than one Euro- pean nation, and who had made the political history and institutions of other countries their study. Amongst the most remarkable of these rising men were Ali, Fuad, and Cabouli Effendis, who each in turn rose to the rank of Pasha, two becoming Grand Vizir (Ali and Fuad), and the third filling important diplomatic posts abroad, in which he rendered important services to the Porte.
I was well acquainted with these three statesmen, and especially with Fuad, of whom I saw at one time a great deal, frequently dining with him, and spending the night at his Yali at Candili. We used to have long discussions upon political questions, chiefly concerning the reforms to be introduced into the administration, and the better treat- ment of the Christian populations. Our relations were of the most friendly and intimate kind. He professed great friendship for me, and gave me many proofs of it. He was, with the exception of Ahmed Vefyk Effendi, the most informed and most enlightened Turk that I ever knew.
i845] FUAD AND ALI 93
But he had qualities fitting him for practical statesman- craft, in which Ahmed Vefyk was deficient. He was less brusque, self-opinioned, overbearing, and dictatorial. He was ready to listen to arguments and reason, and to abandon his views when persuaded that they were erroneous. He had a fine presence, his countenance was handsome and intelligent, and his disposition and bearing were singularly conciliatory and dignified, uniting the refined courtesy of a European gentleman with the simple but high-bred manners of a Turkish statesman of the old school. He possessed much wit and humour, and his conversation was as entertaining and delightful as in- structive. His library was extensive and well -selected, comprising a large collection of MSS. in the Turkish, Persian, and Arabic languages, and the best editions of the French classics. He was well-read, and intimately ac- quainted with the history of his own country, as well as with that of Europe. His father, whom I frequently met at his house, but whose name I now forget, had been, I believe, the official historiographer of the Divan. He was an amiable and well-learned old man of simple manners, living the quiet, retired life befitting an honest Mulla, and wearing the dress then peculiar to his order. Fuad Pasha — unlike Ahmed Vefyk, who had Greek blood in his veins — was a pure Turk by descent.
Ali EfTendi, subsequently holding with Fuad high offices in the Turkish Ministry, and alternately with him Grand Vizir, offered a striking contrast in many respects to his colleague. Like him, his opinions were liberal and enlightened, he was well acquainted with the French language, well-read and well-informed, and his abilities were of a high order. But he was of so meek, retiring, and sensitive a disposition, that it is not a little wonderful that he should have risen to the high rank and distinction to which he ultimately attained. He was very small in
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stature, and his countenance was commonplace and with- out expression. He always spoke in a low voice — almost in a whisper — and even when Grand Vizir, would sit, when he gave audience, crouched in the corner of his Divan in the humblest of attitudes. But there was a charm in his conversation, and an apparent honesty and straightforwardness in his manner, which made the most favourable impression upon those who were brought into contact with him.
Cabouli Effendi, the third rising Turkish statesman with whom I was intimate, was perhaps the most truly liberal in his convictions, and the most thoroughly honest of the three. Both Ali and Fuad, and especially the latter, were suspected of having received, on more than one occasion, when in public employment, considerable sums of money after the Turkish fashion. But I never heard the integrity of Cabouli impugned. He was, like Ali and Fuad, well acquainted with the French language, and with the literature of Europe. He gave a proof of his liberal opinions, and of his desire to introduce social as well as political reforms amongst his Mussulman fellow- countrymen, by having his wife taught French and the piano. She was a very beautiful and very intelligent woman — a Circassian by birth. I was allowed the privilege of seeing her more than once ; but her husband could not venture to violate the precepts of his religion, and to offend the deep-rooted prejudices and the customs of Mussulmans, by permitting her to mix freely in the society of men.
The three Turkish statesmen whom I have mentioned had each but one wife, and such was the case with most of the young men of character and respectability who, like them, had joined the liberal and reforming party of which Reshid Pasha was the head. It was a great mistake to believe — as it was the fashion in European countries
1845] POSITION OF WOMEN 95
to believe — that every Turk had a harem containing a multitude of wives, concubines, and female slaves who served as such. It was indeed an exception to find a Turkish gentleman, except one belonging to the old school, who possessed more than one wife. One of the many reasons against it was the great cost of the several establishments which a plurality of wives required. But the harem system was still strictly enforced, and the women were still kept in careful seclusion. There were then very few even amongst the most liberal-minded and independent Turks who, like Cabouli Effendi, would permit a European — much less a brother Mussulman not a very near relative — to see his wife. When Fuad Pasha was employed on a diplomatic mission at Paris, his wife would frequently send for me when I was living in the same village on the Bosphorus, to interpret and explain letters and newspaper articles in French which she used to receive from him. On these occasions the interview usually commenced with a screen being placed between the lady and myself in a room in the harem. But, as the conversation became more ani- mated, the protection of the screen was gradually aban- doned, and I found myself face to face with her. She was a handsome, kindly woman of middle age — the mother of several children — very dignified in her manners, and very intelligent, but without any European ac- complishments.
An incident occurred, about the time of which I am writing, that the more indisposed the Turks to allow European ladies to have access to their harems. A certain Mumtaz Effendi, who was then Mushteshar, a kind of Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had a very beautiful wife. I had accompanied Lady Canning to the " Sweet Waters of Asia " one Friday— the day on which Turkish ladies assembled there to pass the afternoon, seated on
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their carpets spread on the grass, and indulging in sweet- meats and gossip. As they then lower their veils, the groups which they form are not intruded upon by the men, who are kept at a distance by guards stationed on the spot. The English Ambassadress was, however, a privileged person — attended as she was by the cawasses of the Embassy — and the gentlemen who accompanied her sometimes ventured to walk with her through the assembled Turkish women. On the occasion to which I am referring, we were both struck by the extraordinary beauty of one of the ladies, who had lowered her veil and was enjoying with her companions the usual Kef, her attendants bringing them coffee, narguiles and sweet- meats.
Lady Canning went up to her and addressed her, whilst I remained at a respectful distance lost in admira- tion at her great loveliness. She proved to be the wife of Mumtaz Effendi, with whom • Sir Stratford Canning was in official relations. I was invited to approach to serve as interpreter, which my little knowledge of Turkish enabled me to do. The conversation ended by an invitation to Lady Canning to visit her — an invitation which was at once accepted — and the English Ambassadress became a frequent guest in the harem.
One morning Turkish Society was greatly surprised and scandalised by the report that Mumtaz Effendi's beautiful wife had thrown herself from the window of her husband's Yali into the Bosphorus, which it overhung at a point where the stream sweeps rapidly round a project- ing part of the Asiatic shore. She had been with difficulty rescued alive by a fisherman. It then became known that she had been detected in an intrigue with a Greek Doctor bearing the historic name of Paleologus. The old Turks shook their heads, saying, "This is what comes of allowing Frank ladies to visit our harems " — a reflection which caused
1845] KIAMIL BEY 97
infinite amusement to those who knew Lady Canning — the best and most estimable of women.
The hero of this adventure was not put to death, as he would have been in olden times, but was banished to an island in the Archipelago. The lady, too, escaped the fate, which in less enlightened times would have awaited her. She was, I believe, placed somewhere in confinement ; what ultimately became of her I never knew.
Another Turkish gentleman of the liberal and reform- ing school of Reshid Pasha with whom I became intimately acquainted, and with whom I passed many pleasant hours, was a certain Kiamil Bey, the brother-in-law of Fuad. He carried his liberal opinions to a somewhat extreme extent — professing to be above all religious scruples and prejudices, indulging more than freely in wine and raki and in delicacies such as were forbidden to true believers, and leading a somewhat riotous life.
Kiamil Bey at that time held some subordinate position in the Palace. Although possessed of a good deal of humour, and not wanting in intelligence, he was not un homme serieux, but was looked upon as a farceur. He spoke an atrociously bad French, and was constantly making the most ludicrous mistakes in it which caused no little amusement. He was a general favourite on account of his good-natured and jovial character. Many years after I had first known him, and when I was the British Minister at Madrid, the Sultan sent a special Ambassador to congratulate King Alfonso on his accession to the Spanish throne. The person selected to represent His Imperial Majesty was Kiamil Bey. On his arrival in the Spanish capital, and before taking any official steps to carry out his mission, he was anxious to take the advice of some one acquainted with the etiquette and customs of the Court, and who might be able to direct and counsel him. He bethought himself of turning for advice and help to the
VOL. II. G
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British Minister — for were not the English then the true friends and ancient allies of the Turks ? He accordingly called upon me before making any other visit, official or private. He was not aware that his old Constantinople friend and companion was then the Representative of England at the Spanish Court. Shown into my room, his delight and emotion when he recognised me were amusing to witness. He embraced me over and over again in the Turkish fashion, pressing me in his arms. He knew that he had found a friend, and that the difficulties he had anticipated were surmounted. I am afraid that now few Turks would have this feeling. We saw much of him whilst he remained at Madrid. He dined with us every day, except when obliged to be present at official entertain- ments. He was the same amusing companion that he had been in years gone by, spoke the same broken French, and retained his same love for a glass of champagne.
When I went to Constantinople as the Queen's Ambassador, I found Kiamil Bey installed in the palace as Grand Master of the Ceremonies and in high favour with Sultan Abdul Hamid, who, whilst he laughed at his eccentricities and looked upon him somewhat in the light of a buffoon, admired his honesty and boldness in telling the truth, although it might prove distasteful, and in .giving information which others feared to give, or from interested and personal motives sought to conceal from their Imperial master. He was almost the only Turk that I met at the Imperial dinner- table who ventured to converse freely with the Sultan — the Ministers and other high functionaries who were present on these occasions maintaining a solemn silence and keeping their eyes fixed on their plates, only answering the Sultan's questions when spoken to, and then with outward signs of the greatest humility.
The Sultan, who greatly enjoyed a good story and a joke, would draw out Kiamil Bey, laughing heartily at his
i8453 KIAMIL BEY 99
anecdotes and ridiculous remarks. His Majesty was more tolerant with him than with his other guests, and allowed him to indulge in his favourite beverage of champagne, whilst wine was only served to the Europeans who sat at the Imperial table, and was forbidden to the rest. The Sultan also tolerated the violation on the part of the Bey of the precepts and observances of the Mussulman faith, although in such matters he was himself, outwardly at least, very strict, and expected others to be so. I remember on one occasion the Sultan looking at the menu of the dinner which was prepared under the direction of the Grand Master of the Ceremonies, and being greatly amused by finding that a mistake had been made in the date of the day according to the Mohammedan month. " Kiamil Bey," he said laughing, " has brought us into Ramazan (the great Mussulman fast) ; but what does he know of Ramazan or any other Mussulman fast ; he is a shabkuu (a scamp) and a framasan (freemason), and has no religion." He was prob- ably the only man about the Court of whom the Sultan would have said this, and have retained him in his service. In consequence of the favour which he enjoyed with the Sultan, the access he had at all times to His Majesty, and his courage in speaking openly to him, he proved of great use to me during the time that I held the Embassy at Constantinople. I frequently employed him in convey- ing messages and information to the Sultan which I could not confide to others, or which I knew that others would not venture to repeat to him. I found him honest and trustworthy, and he was a warm and sincere advocate of the " English policy," and anxious that the advice of England should be followed on all occasions ; for he was one of those Turks who looked upon England as a true friend of Turkey, and who were convinced that, if her counsels were sometimes unpalatable, they were intended for the good of his country.
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Kiamil Bey died suddenly from apoplexy, to my great regret, during my short absence from Constantinople on leave in the spring of 1879. He had brought up his children in the same political and religious principles that he had himself professed. One of his daughters, who had married Hilmi Pasha, a general in the Turkish Army, was the first Turkish lady of rank who ventured to brave Mussulman prejudices and openly to violate one of the fundamental precepts of the faith of Islam by assuming a Frank dress and accompanying her husband to Europe, passing some months with him at Paris, and mixing freely in French society. Availing herself of the pretext that her European physician had recommended a course of waters at one of the European baths, she went with her husband to Smyrna, where she threw off the veil and yashmak, adopted the Frank costume, and embarked with him on a French steamer for Marseilles.
Thus to violate Mohammedan laws and prejudices was an act, at that time, showing no little courage. She returned to Constantinople after some months' absence, and resumed Turkish attire. The Sultan, when informed of her " escapade," showed his high disapproval of it by dis- missing her husband from the high military office which he held, and it was long before he was restored to favour. Her sister, who had married an Egyptian functionary of rank, professed the same indifference to Mohammedan scruples and Turkish opinion. They were both young and handsome women, of engaging and ladylike manners, and were often visitors at the Embassy, where they did not hesitate to discard their veils and dine or breakfast with us. I was also admitted with my wife to her apartments in her father's house, where she was educating her daughters in the European fashion and with European ideas under a French governess. These ladies were amongst the first to endeavour to break through those rules which, by separa-
i845l CANNING AND THE REFORMERS 101
ting the two sexes, and by maintaining the rigid seclusion of women from the society of all men except their husbands and their nearest relatives, have been the great obstacle to the progress of Mussulman peoples. Until a radical reform is effected in the social relations between men and women, true civilisation cannot be said to exist in any Mohammedan nation. Unfortunately, of all the necessary reforms, it is the one most difficult to carry out amongst Eastern peoples.
But to return from this long digression. At the time in which I was brought into relation with Sir Stratford Canning a desperate struggle for power was taking place between the liberal and reforming Turkish party, of which Reshid Pasha was the head, and the Turks of the old school, who, violently opposed to the introduction of European institutions, and desirous to maintain the ancient Turkish system of Government and ancient traditionary Turkish institutions, had Riza Pasha for their most capable and active leader. Sir Stratford Canning used all his great influence in favour of the former, and sup- ported Reshid with all his well-known energy and ability. He was convinced that the policy which he advocated was the one best calculated to promote at the same time the interests of Turkey and of England : the interests of Turkey, by ensuring the prosperity and con- tentment of its varied populations ; the interests of England by maintaining and strengthening a Power which had proved to her, and might still prove, a most valuable and important ally. Upon these two convictions his policy was founded. I heartily concurred in them. It was, therefore, a labour of love in me to second, as far as my humble position would allow, his efforts to carry out this policy, and I became a willing and zealous inter- mediary between himself and Reshid Pasha, and the followers of that distinguished statesman.
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Although this occupation was very congenial to me and I took the liveliest interest in it, my position was a very difficult and delicate one. I was not a recognised member of the Embassy, my services were given entirely gratuitously, and I only acted as a friend of the Ambassador. My means were very restricted — indeed I may say that I had little or nothing of my own — and I could not expect my mother, who had numerous calls upon her, or my friends in England, to assist me. Sir Stratford Canning had in vain endeavoured to obtain for me a paid attache"ship, or some other remunerated post connected with the Embassy.
Lord Aberdeen, who was then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, evidently entertained a strong pre- judice against me, and resolutely declined to listen to any recommendation of Sir Stratford Canning in my favour.
My position in consequence became so embarrassing, and caused me so much anxiety, that I had decided in despair upon abandoning the career that I had chosen for myself in the East, and on returning to England and the profession of the law. I was in com- munication with my uncle on the subject, with* a view to learning whether he would receive me again into his office in Gray's Inn, when my friend Colonel White informed me that he was about to return to England and to give up the correspondence of the Morning Chronicle, which he proposed to hand over to me, the proprietors of that journal having authorised him to do so if I would undertake it. But at the same time they intended to reduce the salary of their Constantinople correspondent from .£300, which had been that of Colonel White, to the half of that sum. After consulting Sir Stratford Canning I accepted the offer. It was of much importance to Sir Stratford that he should have the
i84Sl AMBASSADORS AND THE PRESS 103
support of the English and European press. My friend- ship with Mr Longworth, who was then the correspondent of the Morning Post, and my acquaintance with many other newspaper correspondents enabled me to hold out good hopes to him that I should be able to obtain from them that support, and induce them to write favourably of his policy, and to put forward any views with regard to it which he might desire should be generally known. I was as good as my word, and for some time I had under my control the Constantinople correspondence of the most influential journals in England and on the Continent. I succeeded at the same time in obtaining a small subsidy for the Malta Times — a newspaper published in that island and conducted with some ability, and which was then widely circulated in the Levant.
The unanimity of so large a portion of the public press in approving the policy of Sir Stratford Canning greatly strengthened his position and influence in Constanti- nople, and secured for him the support of public opinion in England. He was thus enabled to carry out many of his own views — which were not always in accordance with those of Lord Aberdeen and the English Government — and to compel the Porte to adopt measures and to in- troduce reforms which he conscientiously believed would tend to promote the well-being of the Ottoman Empire, and especially of its Christian populations, and, at the same time, the interests of England.
There was thus a chorus of praise of the English Ambassador in the European Press, and I learnt by experience how much the success and reputation of a diplomatist may depend upon his skill in obtaining the support of newspaper correspondents and their incessant and exaggerated approval of all that he says and does. The public can only be guided by reports coming from such quarters, and is only too ready to believe everything
io4 POLITICS IN CONSTANTINOPLE [1843.
that is written concerning a man who is so universally commended.
Although I had early obtained this experience, I did not in after life profit by it. I have always had a dislike to newspaper publicity, and have never taken the slightest pains to conciliate newspaper writers and correspondents with a view to obtaining their praise and to influence public opinion in my favour. I had no great reason to think highly of the correspondents of the English Press from what I had seen of them abroad. The race may improve in the course of time, and I have known some highly cultivated, upright and independent men amongst them ; but I could never bring myself to take them into my confidence, and to make them believe that they have influenced my views and directed my policy in public matters.
Although the remuneration offered to me by the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle was small, I believed that it would be sufficient, with strict economy, for my wants, which were very few and simple. I agreed with my friend Mr Longworth to take lodgings in the village of Candili, situated in perhaps the most beautiful spot on the Asiatic shores of the Bosphorus. We could live there more cheaply than in Pera. There was an addi- tional advantage in our residing there. Fuad Pasha (then Fuad Effendi) occupied a Yali in Candili, and Ahmed Vefyk Effendi a house on the same side of the Bosphorus easily accessible. It was important that we should be in constant communication with them, in order to obtain political and other information for our respective news- papers. Most of our other Turkish friends passed the summer months in their Yalis immediately opposite to Candili. Our chief expense would consist in boat hire in calling upon them ; but it would be much less than if we had remained in Pera, or moved to Therapia or
iS45l RESIDENCE AT CANDILI 105
Buyukdere, the places of resort for the members of the diplomatic body, and for the principal European families during the hot season. The hire of a one-oared caique, which we usually employed in our excursions on the water, was, in those days, a mere trifle — very different to what it subsequently became with the great increase of prices in the Turkish capital.
An additional reason for my selecting Candili was that Count Pourtales, then Prussian Minister at the Porte, had taken a house there for the summer. He was a delightful companion, abounding in fun and wit, and at the same time in the learning and accomplishments which are usually found in a highly educated German gentleman, and especially one destined for a diplomatic career. I had seen a good deal of him, and our relations were of the most friendly character.1
I found an Armenian and his wife who were willing to receive Mr Longworth and myself as lodgers. They possessed a small house, built, like all the rest in the village at that time, of wood. It was situated high up in a kind of ravine, and overlooked the Bosphorus, with a beautiful view of the opposite coast — the Bay of Bebek, the castles of Europe, and the richly-wooded hills above them. The house itself, within and without, had a cleanly appearance, and the owners seemed decent and respectable people. They only spoke Armenian and Turkish, which, like the Armenians in general, they usually employed. This was an advantage, as it enabled us to improve our knowledge of this language.
They offered us two rooms — one for Longworth and
1 Count Pourtales died suddenly from apoplexy many years after- wards when Prussian Ambassador at Paris — a very great loss to his country and to his profession, of which he was a most distinguished ornament. I was at Paris at the time, and had been with him only a few hours before his death,
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one for myself. The house was furnished in the usual Turkish style, which was then that also of the non- Catholic Armenians. In each room was a low divan and a table, with one or two rush-bottomed chairs, and the floor was covered with a clean matting. There were no beds. We slept upon the divans, upon which a mattress and sheets, kept in a cupboard during the day, were spread when the time for rest came.
We were to board in the house, and for our food and lodging, everything included, we agreed to pay £12 each for three months. Our fare, as might be supposed, was not luxurious or over-abundant. We had coffee and milk in the morning, a breakfast at eleven o'clock, consisting usually of boiled rice with sour curds (or yaouf) and kibabs, or bits of boiled and roasted meat. We dined at sunset upon soup, fish, meat and vegetables cooked after the Turkish fashion.
The few months that I spent at Candili were amongst the pleasantest that I spent in Constantinople. Mr Longworth was a delightful companion, of imperturbable good humour, cheerful, well-informed, taking a lively interest in Turkish politics and devoting himself to the study of the language and literature of the people amongst whom he lived. Candili occupies one of the most beautiful, if not the most beautiful, position on the Bosphorus. The heights above the village command the most enchanting views, extending from the Sea of Marmora almost to the Euxine — with the blue waters covered with shipping sweeping beneath between the two seas, and the European and Asiatic coasts lined with palaces, kiosks, villages and gardens. There were in- numerable delightful walks in the neighbourhood, and after the day's work was over, my companion and I were in the habit of strolling over the hills, engaged in talk, and enjoying the varied and lovely prospect. On
i84s] LIFE AT CANDILI 107
a Friday afternoon, we usually went to the " Sweet Waters of Asia," which were within a short walk from Candili, and where Turkish ladies, still wearing their gay national costume, were in the habit of congregating, seated in picturesque groups on the grass, eating sweetmeats, drinking sherbet, and smoking their narguiles, surrounded by their children and slaves. The brilliancy and variety of the colours of their garments gave the place the appearance, from a distance, of a vast parterre of flowers.
The beauty of our village and of the surrounding scenery attracted many visitors. Friends came frequently to see us — Alison and others from the Embassy, Colling- wood Dickson, and an occasional traveller. They were willing to put up with our humble fare, and to pass the night on a divan like ourselves. We spent many happy hours, seated after sunset on cushions on a wooden terrace or platform which overlooked the winding Bosphorus, smoking our narguitts and pipes, and sipping coffee, not infrequently until morning dawned.
My life was not, however, an idle one. My friend M. Botta had continued his excavations amongst the Assyrian ruins, and had commenced those great discoveries at Khorsabad with which his name will be ever connected, and which have given him lasting fame. With a generosity and liberality rare amongst discoverers, he had allowed me to see his letters to his official superiors in France, describing the remains that he had uncovered, and accompanied by copies of cuneiform inscriptions and by drawings of the bas-reliefs found in the buried Palace of Sargon. These letters were sent to the care of M. de Cadalvene, a highly accomplished French gentle- man who was then at the head of the French Post-Office at Constantinople, and who, after allowing me to see them, forwarded them to their destination in France. I was, at the same time, in constant correspondence with
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M. Botta, who kept me fully . informed of his discoveries. I was thus enabled to be amongst the first to announce them to the public and to give a full account of them. This I did in a series of letters to the Malta Times ; which were republished in Galignants Journal and in many European newspapers. I endeavoured in these letters to fix the period of the wonderful monuments which my friend had unearthed, and to connect it with the great Empire which, before the fall of Nineveh, had flourished in the vast plains of Mesopotamia.
The success of M. Botta encouraged me to persevere in the design that I had formed of returning some day to Mosul, and of exploring the great mounds on the left bank of the Tigris, supposed to occupy the site of Nineveh, which I had only hastily visited on the two occasions when travelling in that part of the Turkish dominions. I deter- mined, therefore, to prepare myself, as well as I was able, to undertake the work, and to turn such discoveries as I might make, if the plans I had formed were eventually carried out, to the best account in my power. I accord- ingly set myself to the study of the Semitic languages — one of which, I