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THE PASSION OF ‘S. PERPETUA
NEWLY EDITED FROM THE MSS.
WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
TOGETHER WITH AN APPENDIX CONTAINING THE ORIGINAL LATIN TEXT OF
THE SCILLITAN MARTYRDOM
BY
J. ARMITAGE ROBINSON B.D.
FELLOW AND ASSISTANT TUTOR OF CHRIST’S COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE
CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1891
[All Rights reserved]
Cambringe : PRINTED BY C, J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
FRATRI - MEO QVI- APVD- ALIENIGENAS - AFRICAE - OCCIDENTALIS DVM - MARTYRVM - FIDEICOMMISSVM ‘ PRO - VIRIBVS - EXEQVEBATVR NVPERRIME - IN - CHRISTO - OBDORMIVIT HOC - OPVS - QVANTVLVMGVMQVE DE - PRIMITIIS - ECCLESIAE - AFRICANAE DEDICO
SVMMO - DESIDERIO
PREFACE.
HE yecent discovery of a Greek text has awakened a fresh
interest in the most beautiful of all the records of Christian Martyrdom. The occurrence of Greek words in the familiar Latin document had previously led some scholars to suspect that it might be a translation from the Greek. This may help to account for the hasty welcome which has been accorded to the theory that the newly found Greek text is the veritable original. This view moreover found some support in the parallel theory of Aubé that Usener’s discovery of the still earlier Scillitan Martyrdom in a Greek dress gave us another Greek original for a record hitherto known to us only through somewhat amplified Latin recensions.
In the poverty of our knowledge as to the beginnings of the . African. Church any new information must be eagerly welcomed. But it must first be tested by critical processes before it can be added to the-scanty materials of history. The present study is an attempt at such criticism. The result, unless I am mistaken, is that both theories alike break down. The beautiful Latin of S. Perpetua’s Martyrdom holds its own against its clumsy rival: and I have endeavoured by the aid of the MSS. to present it in a more satisfactory form. I have been fortunate in finding the original Latin of the Scillitan Martyrdom; and I edit accordingly for the first time what may perhaps claim to be the earliest consecutive piece of Christian Latin which has been preserved to us,
The important problem of the language commonly used in the earliest Churches of the West receives, I believe, some new light from the observations which I have made in an additional note, in which I have adduced evidence to prove that the Churches of Vienne and Lyons were better acquainted with a Latin Version than with the original.Greek of the New Testament. The famous
vill PREFACE.
Letter which describes their sufferings was addressed to an Eastern Church and was therefore written in Greek: but the Scriptural quotations and allusions which it contains point to a process of extemporaneous retranslation from a Latin Version which betrays affinities with what is known as the African Old Latin.
Several other matters of interest have come out in the course of the study of these problems. Two sources from which the Carthaginian Martyrs unconsciously drew the materials of their Visions appear to be the Shepherd of Hermas and the Apocalypse of Peter. These two books may accordingly be added provisionally to the early Latin Bible of the West. I have moreover been led to the belief that we owe the record of the Martyrs’ sufferings to no less powerful a writer than Tertullian himself.
The present Study was accepted by the Professors of Divinity as a Dissertation for the Degree of B.D. I owe it to the courtesy of the Regius Professor that I have been allowed to make some small additions previous to its publication.
To edit the Passion of S. Perpetua with the fulness which is called for by the many questions of history, of doctrine and of Latinity which it involves, would demand a large volume. I can only offer a short study, of the incompleteness of which I am pain- fully aware: but I hope that I have done something towards a purer text and a better understanding of a document which few students of Latin can fail to appreciate and no one can read without emotion.
Curist’s CoLLeGe, S. Peter’s Day, 1891.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGES
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . 1-58 The Relation between the Latin and Greek Texts. . . 2
The MSS. of the Passion . . . . . . 10
The Origin and Use of the Short Latin Acts . . . . 15 Were our Martyrs Thuburbitan? —. . . . . 22
The Shepherd of Hermas and the Visions . . . . 26
The Apocalypse of Peter and the Vision of Saturus . . . 37
The Authorship of the Visions . . . . . 43
The Authorship of the rest of the Martyrdom . . . . 47 THE LATIN AND GREEK TEXTS OF THE PASSION . . 60-95 ADDITIONAL NOTES . . . . . . . . - 96-103 Additional Variants in the MSS... . . 96
The Old Latin Version in the Churches of Vienne and Lyons . 97
On the emendation of a passage in c. xvi. . . . . 100
The Text of the Short Latin Acts. . . . . . 100 APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . - 106-121 Introduction to the Scillitan Mar tyrd dom . . . . . 106
The Latin and Greek Texts . . . . . . 112
Two later Latin Recensions . . . . . . . 118 INDICES . . . . . . . . . . 123-131 Index of words in the Latin Text of 8. 5. Perpetua . . . 123 Index of words in the Greek Text of S. Perpetua. . . 128
Index of subject matter. . . . . ; . . 130
INTRODUCTION.
THE Martyrdom of 8. Perpetua and her companions has come down to us without a title and without the name of its author; and moreover, if we except certain incidental allusions, with no indication either of its locality or of its date. These untoward circumstances have exercised, as we shall see, a strange influence
upon its literary history; and in only one manuscript has it sur-
vived even approximately intact in its original form. This copy was discovered by L. Holsten in the Benedictine Monastery of Monte Cassino. He transcribed it for the press, but did not live to edit it. His work was subsequently taken up by P. Poussin, who published it at Rome in 16638, adding to Holsten’s valuable notes others scarcely less important of his own. In the following year it was reprinted at Paris by H. de Valois, who prefixed a preface in which he discussed the locality and date of the martyr- dom and contended that the collector of the Visions was a Monta- nist. It was next reprinted by the Bollandists in 1668, with a few. additional annotations, but no fresh recension of the text. It was again edited at Oxford in 1680, in a duodecimo volume, at the
_ end of Lactantius De Mortibus Persecutorum, with a few additional
notes and some variants from a MS. called Codex Sarisburiensis. Ruinart in his Acta Sincera endeavoured to improve the text by the aid of two imperfect MSS. (Salisburgensis and Compen- diensis): but his emendations were for the most part infelicitous, and his list of variants was both incorrect and incomplete. So that up to the present time the editvo princeps has remained the best authority for the text. In the spring of the year 1889 Prof. Rendel Harris discovered a complete Greek text of the
R. 1
2 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
Martyrdom in the library of the Convent of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. This was published by him, in conjunction with Prof. Seth K. Gifford of Haverford College, Pennsylvania, in 1890 at the Cambridge University Press, with an introduction and short notes. At the same time he reprinted Ruinart’s Latin text with a few emendations suggested by the Greek. In the present edition I have given a fresh recension of the Latin text from the manuscripts: and I have discussed the relation of the Greek to the Latin text, and also to the shorter Latin Acts. I have also ventured upon the question of the authorship of the Visions themselves and of the framework in which they are preserved. Besides this, I believe that I have been able to point out some sources, hitherto unrecognised, from which what may be called the raw material of the Visions has been largely drawn; and I have added some notes and illustrations which I trust will throw light on several obscure passages in the text. My interest in the subject has been stirred by Mr Harris’s book, to which, as well as to his subsequent suggestions, I desire at the outset to acknow- ledge my indebtedness.
The Relation between the Latin and Greek Texts.
The MS. discovered by Mr Rendel Harris is thus described by him: “The Greek text is taken from a MS. in the library of the Convent of the Holy Sepulchre (Cod. 8. Sep. 1). The MS. con- tains Bios cal paptupias for the month of February. It is labelled — with the name of Symeon Metaphrastes, but inasmuch as the writing is of the tenth century at least the title must not be taken literally. Among the interesting matters in this Codex will be found on p. 136 the martyrdom of Polycarp (i.e. the letter — of the Smyrneans). On pp. 144—173 the life of Porphyry of Gaza. On p. 173 Hippolytus, De Christo et Antichristo. The martyrdom of Perpetua will be found on p. 41 of the MS.”
The first question which calls for an answer is the relation of this Greek text to the Latin with which scholars have been fami- liar for the last two centuries. Are we to regard the Greek as a
1 Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas, p. 36.
THE LATIN AND GREEK TEXTS. 3
translation of the Latin, or wice versé? The discoverer of the Greek form has endeavoured to prove that it is the original, and that the Latin is a translation made half a century later. Such a conclusion is very startling: for we naturally expect that the martyrdoms of a Latin Church will be chronicled in the Latin tongue’. . ~The evidence in a question of this kind may conveniently be considered under three main heads. First, a translation, being obviously intended for foreign readers, will often introduce expla- natory phrases which would have been, superfluous to the persons for whom the original was intended; while, on the other hand, it will sometimes suppress details which are troublesome to trans- late or do not readily lend themselves to explanation. Secondly, the translation will generally be weaker and more diffuse than the original: and this will be specially the case if the original be Latin. Dependent clauses will often be coordinated, and words which cannot easily be paralleled will be represented by a double or an alternative rendering. Thirdly, when there is a play upon words in the original, this will as a rule be lost in the translation : and this last indication, if we are fortunate enough to meet with it, is perhaps the most conclusive of all. I shall endeavour to give illustrations in the present case under each of these heads, to support the view that the Latin is the original and the Greek a subsequent translation. If I dismiss the subject somewhat sum- marily, it will be in the conviction that almost every topic sub- sequently treated of in this Introduction will furnish new proofs to substantiate this view. For the convenience of the argument I shall from the outset speak of the Latin original, and of the Greek version.
(1) In the introductory chapter we find a difference in person between the Latin and the Greek, which is explained at once if we suppose that the Latin was written for readers who lived on the
1 T have now Mr Harris’s authority to say that he has seen reason to change his view of the matter, and to regard the Latin as the original. A similar contest is being waged over the Greek and Latin forms of the Scillitan Martyrdom; where Usener is undoubtedly right, in spite of Aubé’s efforts to refute him, in declaring the Greek to be a translation from an original Latin document. See
- the Appendix at the end of this study.
1—2
4 THE PASSION OF S, PERPETUA.
scene, and some of whom had been eye-witnesses of the events
described.
Et nos itaque quod audiuimus et contrectauimus annuntiamus et uo- bis}, fratres et filioli, ut et uos gui interfuistis rememoremint gloriae Do- mini, et gut nune cognoscitis per auditum communionem habeatis cum
Kat 7peis & jeovoapey kat Ewpakapev kat eyndadyoapey evayyeArCoueda vpiv, adeAgol Kal réxva, iva Kal of ovpma- povres dvapynabaatv ddéns Geov, kat of viv Ot dkons yivooKovtes kowaviay €xnre peTa TOY Gyl@y papTv-
sanctis martyribus, &c. Pov, K.T.r.
This suggests that in the Greek a translator is drawing a line of distinction between persons who had been on the spot and only needed to be reminded, and others at a distance or ata later time, who through his writing would now for the first time have fellow- ship with the African martyrs. But the contrast in the Latin is between ‘fratres’ and ‘filioli, terms suggested by the ‘filioli’ of S. John’s Epistle ; that is to say, between the writer’s own gene- ration (‘qui interfuistis’) and a younger generation now growing up in the Church (‘qui nunc cognoscitis per auditum ’).
Immediately after this quotation there follows in the Greek (c. ii.) a mention of the locality to which the martyrs belonged: é, monet Oovxpetavev (sic cod.) 7H prxpotépa. This is entirely absent from the Latin: and its absence may be accounted for on the ground that such a localising of the martyrdom was superfluous for the original readers. Indeed it is open to question whether the statement is not altogether false and based on a later misap- prehension’.
In c. v. we read:
Superuenit autem et de ciuitate
pater meus, consumptus taedio: et ascendit ad me, ut me deiceret,
Tlapeyévero S€é xat 6 warnp éx THs wOAATS Grodnpias papawopevos: Kai dvéBn mpos pe mpoTperdpevos pre KaTa-
Bane.
1 It is worth while to observe that the omission of the xal before tut is a late variant in §. John’s Epistle: and it is hard to believe that an original writer would give evayyehiféueGa instead of daayyéAdouer, though it might easily come in as a rendering of ‘annunciamus,’ Other indications of the later date of the Greek, derived from its rendering of quotations, are found in the change of ‘eorum’ into bpay in c. i. (see note ad loc.), and in Alretc@e cal AjuyerGe (c. xix.), which one can scarcely believe possible from an original writer.
? See below, pp. 22 ff.
THE LATIN AND GREEK TEXTS. 5
The expression é« THs TOAATS aTodnulas) is a reminiscence of c. ill, TOTE OAtyas Nuépas amodnunocavTos avToU, K.T.r., Where Per- petua describes her relief at the temporary absence of her father. The Latin however does not suggest that he had gone on a journey, but merely that he had not come again to the prison: ‘tunc paucis diebus quod caruissem patrem Domino gratias egi, et refrigeraui absentia illius” The exaggeration of the Greek is apparently the result of an effort to avoid the ambiguity of ‘de ciuitate, which however was quite intelligible to those who thought of the martyrs as confined at this period in the prison of the Proconsular palace, which was on the Byrsa, 200 feet above the city. The Forum was down by the sea, and the local touch in ‘ascendit’ may be illustrated from Appian’s statement that the Byrsa was the Acropolis of Carthage, and that in the time of Scipio’s siege there were three streets going up to it from the Forum’.
In ce x. we read in the Latin ‘ad portam Sanauiuariam, (Saneuiuariam BC)’ the Greek has mpds wiAnv riv Neyomévny Cwtixnv. The explanatory phrase betrays the translator.
Of omission and modifications which are apparently due to a desire to shirk a difficult phrase, we may notice the following:
c. iii. uas hoc iacens, urceolum siue aliud ; crevos xeipevov 7 aAXO Te TeV TOLOUTOD.
c. xiii, Aspasium presbyterum doctorem ; ’Acmactov tov mpeaBirepov.
ibid. et de factionibus certantes ; cat wepi avtay pidoverxourtes.
c. xv. ex ministris cataractariorum ; roy mapatnpovvrer Umnpetav.
c. xviii. flagellis eos uexari pro ordine uenatorum postulauit ; paoriyo- Onvae avdrovs éBoncev.
_ An indication that the Greek is later than the Latin is found in-~ the addition of epithets such as ‘holy’ and ‘blessed.’ These are not altogether unknown in the Latin, but the Greek is alone in introducing them in the following instances: c. xvill. of &yvor
1 Von Gebhardt in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung for Jan, 24, 1891, ingeniously emends the Greek, by the aid of an expression in c. ix. (77 axydig papavbels), as follows: éx Tis woAews da’ dxnadlas (or dxydig) uapavopuevos. If this were the original form of the Greek, the explanation which I have given may serve to account for its corruption.
2 Appian, De rebus Punicis, $1 4 Kapyydoviwy dxpérods: and § 128 rpav & otcav amo THs dyopas avodwy els adTAY, K.T.A
6 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
nyadrAtacOnoav. Cc. XX. Tals wakaptass Sé vedviow. Cc. Xxi. did TOV AYLOV ToO"ATOV...Kal oF paKapLoe papTupES...eTl TO Waka- pio Oavatm avTadv...trdv paxapiov paptipev. It is incon- ceivable that, if these were in the original, a Latin translator should have rejected them. A parallel case is found in the later Latin recensions and the Greek version of the Scillitan Martyrdom: see the Appendix.
We may next observe the evident desire of the Greek trans- lator to minimise the Montanistic allusions to the work of the Holy Spirit. Thus at the outset (c, i.) we have:
Itaque et nos qui sicut prophetias ita etuisiones nouas pariter repromissas et agnoscimuset honoramus, ceterasque uirtutes Spiritus Sancti ad instru- mentum ecclesiae deputamus.
‘Hpeis 5é oirwes mpodyreias Kat € , 4 f 4 3 , opdcers Kaas Sexdueba cal emvywd- okopev Kal Tiysdpev Wacas Tas Suvd- poets TOU aylov mvevpaTos, Os XopNnyEt v7 ayia éxxAnaola.
Here the translator omits ‘ pariter repromissas,’ and gives wacas instead of the Latin ‘ceteras,’ which implied that the prophecies and visions were themselves ‘powers of the Spirit intended for the equipment of the Church.’
In c. xvi. the beautiful phrase ‘permisit et permuttendo uolwit Spiritus Sanctus’ appears merely as ézérpewev 76 Gytov Tvedua.
But the tendency is most conspicuous in the concluding sen- tences of the book, which have been miserably rewritten, so that the great moral of the whole, ‘ut nouae quoque uirtutes unum et eundem semper Spiritum Sanctum usque adhuc operari testi- ficentur,’ is exchanged for a frigid commonplace, 7 wavdperos TONMTELA TOV PAKapioV MapTUPwWY, K.T.r.
(2) Ishall next quote a few passages in which the superior strength and terseness of the Latin seems to support the view that it is the original.
c.ii. Perpetua, honeste nata, liber- aliter instituta, matronaliter nupta... haec ordinem totum martyrii sui iam hine ipsa narrauit, sicut conscriptum manu sua e¢ suo sensu reliquit.
Ileprerova, 7ris qv yevynbcioa evyevas kal Tpadeioa moAuTedas yapnOciod te e£oxos...471s maoav THY Taéw Tov paprupiou évredbev Sunyy- gato, és kal T@ vot avrijs kat TH xetpt ovyypayraca Karéhurev obrws eimouca.
THE LATIN AND GREEK TEXTS. 7
No one will deny to the Latin in this place a true ring of genuineness: but I would call special attention to the phrase ‘et suo sensu’. The Greek rendering, cal 76 vot avtis, is a caricature of the somewhat rhetorical phrase of the Latin.
c. iv. Iam in magna dignatione es, tanta ut postules uisionem et ostendatur tibi, an passio sit an com- meatus.
MH 3 ’ 3 , € Ul
Hon ev peyad@ aéidpare vmapyes
, > TogavTy ovoa ws ei aiTioweras émtacias > ? s x > s fod , omtagiav haBots ay eis To SetxORvai cor W 3 aA ~ Pa elarep advaBoAny exes 7 Tadeiv pédXets.
Here ‘tanta’ is undoubtedly the ablative case: but the trans- lator takes it as a nominative, shewing a defective knowledge of the Latin language; such as also appears immediately below, where he renders ‘non nisi singuli’ as e¢ yu) povayov &va: and again, when ‘arserunt’ is translated by cpewacbévtas (c. xi.); and ‘fidei- commissum’ by KéAcvopa (c. Xvi.).
It would be easy to increase this list almost indefinitely ; but I shall content myself with noting a few phrases which speak for themselves.
c.v. Depone animos. Ibid. Haec dicebat pater pro sua
, A ’AmroOou Tovs Oupovs. ~ ww € x A A ~ Tatra €keyey os TaTHp KaTa THY TOV
pietate. yovéwy evvotav.
c. vi. Tus gladii acceperat. ’Efouciay eiAne: payaipas.
c. vii. Sordido uultu et colore "Eo Oqra éxovra pumapdy' @ypov TH pallido. xpea.
ce. x. Efferens uirgam quasi la- ’EBacratev Sé xai paBddsv as Bpa-
nista, et ramum uiridem in quo erant mala aurea.
c. xviii. Agnouit iniustitia iusti- tiam.
c.xx. Pudoris potius memor quam doloris.
Beutis 7} mpoorarys povopaxyev edepey dé kal kdadovs xyAwpovs Exovtas pada Xpvaea.
°Ereéyve 1 ddikia Thy Sixatoovyny.
AiSovs pad)dov pynpovevoaca fj mover: aiSoupeyvn pndapas dpovticaca Tav addy dover.
The instances quoted from c. x. and ¢ xx. are examples of an alternative rendering in the Greek.
1 Cf. Tertull. De Fuga, 9, ‘Denique memor Apocalypsis suae, in qua timidorum exitum audierat, de suo sensu admonet et ipse timorem reiciendum: Timor, inquit,
non est in dilectione.’
8 THE PASSION OF 8S. PERPETUA.
(3) In the account of the death of Saturus in c. xxi. we have a remarkable instance of a play upon words in the Latin.
Kt statim in fine spectaculi, leo- pardo eiecto, de uno morsu tanto perfusus est sanguine, ut populus reuertenti illi secundi baptismatis testimonium reclamauerit: Saluwmn lotum, saluum lotum. plane utique saluus erat, qui hoc modo lauerat. tunc Pudenti militi inquit: Vale, in- quit, et memor esto fidei meae.
Kal ev0ds év réder tis Oewpias map- 2a 2 , . 2 en ,
Oadis avt@ €BAnOn, Kat ev Evi Syypare Tov alwaros rot ayiou éverAnaOn’ To- covToy aiva éppun, os AoyicOAvar Sev- tépov Banricpov paptipiov’ KaOds Kal — emepover 6 Oxdos Boav Kat réyor" Kaddés éAovo, Kada@s éAotcw. Kal py < A a ¢ . , ¢ vVyLHS WV O ToLOUT@ TpdmM Aehovpevos. TOTE
a ’ ’ yi . T@ oTpatidty Tovdevte ey ¢ f A f
Yytatve, kat pynpoveve micrews Kal epov.
Here we may note, first of all, that the translator has got into confusion about ‘perfusus, which he seems to interpret of the leopard: and, secondly, that he comes dangerously near to the absurdity of making the spectators in their coarse jest consciously allude to the Second Baptism. ‘Saluum lotum’ is a phrase of the baths, to which cakes éXovcw properly corresponds. But the play upon words is lost when xada@s édXovew is followed by vyzrs, the literal translation of ‘saluus.’ The translator, indeed, seems to have been conscious of the loss, and to have endeavoured to make some reparation by his grotesque translation of ‘uale’ as vy late.
The examples which I have given above are sufficient to create a strong presumption in favour of the originality of the Latin form of the document: and I hope that our subsequent investigation of the Latin text itself will set the matter beyond dispute. Mean- while I would call attention to a curious notice in the Vision of Saturus (c. xili.) which confirms this judgment. There it is expressly stated that Perpetua talked in Greek with the bishop and presbyter outside the heavenly gate. Such a notice is hard to explain if the original document was composed in the Greek language. But it is perfectly natural if it was written in Latin. Thus, conversely, in the Greek letter of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons it is thrice stated expressly that a speaker used the Latin tongue (Eus. H. £. v. 1, §§ 20, 44, 52). Indeed it is quite
THE LATIN AND GREEK TEXTS. 9
conceivable that Saturus meationed the fact because he did not understand Greek himself.
But while we cannot admit the priority of the Greek docu- ment, we may gladly recognise its general excellence as a trans- lation, and look to it for great assistance in the emendation of - the Latin text. Two instances may here be given of its value for this purpose.
(1) ci. quasi repensatione rerum A.
Here Holsten edited ‘repensitatione, without recording the reading of his MS. ‘ Repensatio’ could scarcely mean anything but ‘repayment.’ The Greek has: #s wapovoia Tov TpayyaTtov xpo@ueOa, from which Mr Harris at once restored ‘repraesenta- tione,’ although he was unaware of the actual reading of A. The error is now seen to be a very simple one, when we remember that ‘prae’ would be written with the usual abbreviation. It is interesting to observe that this palmary emendation is confirmed by a passage in one of §. Augustine’s Sermons on these martyrs (Migne, P. L. 88 p. 1281): ‘ Hodiernus dies anniuersaria replica- tione nobis in memoriam reuocat, et quodammodo repraesentat diem, quo sanctae famulae Dei Perpetua et Felicitas,’ &c.
(2) An important restoration is in c. xvill. where the replace- ment of the lost words ‘ad sanguinem’ after ‘a sanguine’ (azo aipatos eis aipa) redresses the balance of a sentence which proved troublesome to the earlier editors. It is somewhat strange that the words ‘ad sanguinem’ should have been lost in both the lines of the Latin text: but probably this is due to the fact that ‘ad’ was written ‘a,’ and then, as the final ‘m’ does not necessarily distinguish the accusative from the ablative (for it seems to have been sounded very lightly if at all in the vulgar Latin, and was often wrongly inserted or omitted), there would seem to be a dittography of ‘a sanguine,’ and so the loss would be certain. ‘A’ for ‘ad’ occurs just before in the same sentence, ‘a bestias’ AB: so too in c. x. (p. 78, 1. 10) where for ‘ad bestias’ we have ‘a bestiis’ A, and ‘a bestia’ B. We find the same spelling in Codex Bezae; ¢.g. Acts xvi. 38, ‘ quae dicta sunt a praetores.’
10 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
The MSS. of the Passion of S. Perpetua.
The first edition, that of Holsten, was made solely from a MS. which he found in the Benedictine monastery of Monte Cassino. It will be convenient to describe this MS. first ; for, although it is not the oldest, it is the most complete.
1. CoDEX CASINENSIS (A). In the Bibliotheca Casinensis (vol. iv. cod. 204) this MS. is described as coming at the end of an llth cent. MS. of Cyprian, and being itself written in a 12th cent. hand. But at the end of the description of our part of the MS., the same Catalogue speaks of it as ‘quod uidetur xi saeculo,’ — and this latter judgment coincides with the view of the present Archivist, Don Ambrogio Amelli. The opening lines of the Martyrdom are given in facsimile opposite p. 164 of the Cata- logue. The size of the leaf is 104 inches by 74. Black capitals are used at the beginning of sentences, but not for proper names. The hand is quite distinct from that of the works of Cyprian, but apparently of the same period. According to the present nume- ration of leaves the Martyrdom commences on f. 168 r., and ends on f. 173 v. There are 32 lines to the page. The Martyrdom has no title, but commences at once with the words: Si uetera fidei exempla: this is the only Latin authority for the important opening section. The edition of Holsten was a posthumous work, and his text is marred by many inaccuracies which a careful revision with the aid of the MS. would have removed. I have to thank the Benedictine Fathers for their kind hospitality shewn to me, when I visited the home of their great founder and collated this MS. in September 1890.
2. CoDEX CoMPENDIENSIS (B). Readings from this MS. were used to some extent by Ruinart; but his witness is very incom- plete and often inaccurate. In his time the MS. belonged to the Abbey of Compiégne. It is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (fonds latin, 17626). It is assigned to the 10th century. Our Passion commences on f. 64 with the words: INCIPIT PASSIO SCAE FELICITATIS ET PERPETVAE. Reuocatus et felicitas conserua eius. Thus the prefatory section is missing: and, generally speaking, the
THE MSS. OF THE PASSION. 11
condition of the text is far inferior to that of the Codex Casinensis. But it fills wp some serious blanks of that Codex.
3. CoDEX SALISBURGENSIS, or SARISBURIENSIS (C). For this MS. I have searched in vain. Ruinart made use of readings from it, and speaks of it as ‘ Ecclesiae Salisburgensis, cuius codicis uarias lectiones sapientissimi uiri Antonii Faure Theologi Parisien- sis et Remensis Ecclesiae Praepositi beneficio accepimus.’ The MSS. of the Domkapitel at Salzburg have been dispersed; and most of them seem to have gone either to Vienna or to Munich. In neither place could I find any trace of this codex, nor was it to be found in the Peterstift at Salzburg.
In the edition of the Martyrdom published at Oxford, without name’, in 1680 at the close of Lactantius De Mortibus Perse- cutorum, Holsten’s text is used, with corrections and various readings from a MS. spoken of as Codex Sarisburiensis. It is evident from a comparison of these readings with those given by Ruinart that Cod. Sarisburiensis bears the closest relation to Cod. Salisburgensis; indeed they are almost certainly one and the same. A confusion has arisen between Salisbury and Salzburg: but who has made the mistake we cannot say. The catalogue of the Cathedral MSS. at Salisbury, made by Mr Maunde Thompson, now Librarian of the British Museum, contains no mention of such a MS., and Mr H. J. White, who kindly made enquiry for me on the spot, can learn nothing of it. At present therefore we have to content ourselves with the testimony of the Oxford edition’, supplemented by the notices in Ruinart. But, fortunately, these suffice to give us a fair conception of the MS., and to shew its close relation to Codex Compendiensis.
Substantial help for the criticism of the text is afforded by the Greek Version (g), the description of which by its discoverer, Mr Rendel Harris, is given above on p. 2. I am indebted to Mr Harris for having collated afresh on my behalf the Greek text printed in his edition with his original transcript of the MS. I have not however fully recorded its numerous blunders.
1 There can be no doubt that it was edited by Thomas Spark of Christ Church, who reprinted the De Mortibus in his larger edition of Lactantius in 1684,
2 ‘When the Oxford editor silently departs in his text from the text of Holsten, it is generally safe to assume that he is following Cod. Sarisburiensis.
12 THE PASSION OF 8S, PERPETUA.
The problem of the relation of the various authorities which have been enumerated is by no means a simple one. Cod. Casi- nensis is linked with the Greek Version by the prefatory section, which they alone have preserved: Codd. Compendiensis and Salisburgensis on the other hand are linked together by its omission. But in the body of the work the two last mentioned have many striking points of agreement with the Greek Version against Cod. Casinensis. At first sight therefore it might seem as though this triple combination (BCg) would be the securest foundation for the text: but the single fact, that in c. vii. all three omit the name of Geta, may teach us to be cautious in our judgment.
I shall first endeavour to shew the relation of Cod. Salisbur- gensis (C), as far as we are able to judge of its readings, to Cod. Compendiensis (B): and then enquire into their common relation to Cod. Casinensis (A). After this I shall examine the relation of the Greek Version (g) to the two lines of Latin testimony which will thus have been marked out.
1. B and C are together in certain obvious errors which are not found in A. I have already mentioned the omission of the prefatory section. This may have been due to a dislike to its Montanistic tendency, or to a desire to shorten the treatise for Church purposes; or, again, the MS. from which they were copied may have lost its first page. Inc. iv. (p. 66, 1. 21) they are together against A and g in the insertion of ‘Domini’ before ‘Jesu Christi’: this is probably an addition made, as so often, for liturgical purposes. They are probably wrong again in the same chapter (p. 68, ]. 1) in reading ‘ eleuauit,’ as against ‘ elecit’ A, and mpoonveyxev of the Greek.
More certain errors are the following:
. 76, 1. 14, afa] Ag ; aqua BC
. 78, 1. 15, carne] Ag ; carcere BC
86, 1. 14, iudicii BC; om. Ag
86, 1. 15, omnes] Ag; multi BC
90, 1. 3, apro] Ag ; aprum BC
90, 1. 5, substrictus] Ag ; subreptus B ; subrectus C
c. xx. p. 90, 1. 10, et reticulis indutae] A (displaced in g); om. BC.
e 9 bt bd ao Bi:
SP Mr yy
THE MSS. OF THE PASSION. 13
On the other hand B and C are right when A is wrong in the following cases:
c. ii, pp. 62, 1. 19, Saturninus] BCeg; om. A c. ili, p. 64,1 1, inquam] BCg; inquit A c.iv. p. 66, 1. 8, aeream] Ce (auream B); om. A 9 p. 66, 1. 17, qui(a) ipse nos aedificauerat] BCg ; om. A ” p. 68, 1. 4, canum] BCg ; sanum A c.ix. op. 74, 1. 20, mouerent] BCg; mouerentur A cx. op. 78, 1. 4, non calcans] BCg ; concaleans A c. xi. p. 82, 1]. 6, graece] BCg; om. A ” p. 82, 1, 11, factionibus] BC; fatigationibus A ; om. g c. xvi. p. 86, 1. 4, humanius] BCg; manibus A.
Hence we may conclude that B and C have acommon ancestor, which is independent of A.
2. The instances already quoted enable us to see that the Greek Version cannot have been made either from A or from the immediate ancestor of B and C: for it sometimes has a right reading with A as against B and ©, and sometimes a right reading with B and © as against A. We may now proceed to enquire with which of these two lines of text it has the closest affinities. To do this we must examine the mistakes which it has in common with the one or the other.
I am not aware of any instance in which it can be shewn with certainty that A and g have the same mistake, while B and C have retained the true reading’. On the other hand there are many cases in which BCg are wrong together, as against A. Thus in ¢. iii. p. 64, 1. 6, we must almost certainly retain ‘ profecto’ A, against ‘profectus’ BCg: and in c. iv. p. 66, L. 7, ‘fidenter’ A, against ‘fidens’ BC and qiotews tAnpns ovca g. In this latter chapter (p. 66, 1. 18) ‘adtendens ascenderet’ of A is certainly right: Band C read ‘ascendens adtenderet,’ and the paraphrase in g seems to be due to the attempt to make some sense out of this. Further examples may be gathered from the apparatus at the foot of our printed text.
1 An apparent exception to this statement is in c. xix. (p. 90, 1. 6), where B and C have a corrupt sentence, not found in A and g, about Pudens feeding the bear. Thave not taken this into the text, as my theory of the genealogy of the MSS. leads me to regard it as a gloss. But possibly it was corrupted at an early date and consequently omitted by A and also by the Greek translator.
14 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
As a rule the readings of C are only preserved to us in cases where the editors have supposed them to be preferable to the text given by Holsten: so that its more obvious blunders have no doubt been passed over in silence. But if we may accept B as giving generally the text of the ancestor of B and C, we may find many more examples of coincidence in error between that ancestor and the Greek Version. Thus in c. vi. p. 70, 1.17, A reads ‘et cum staret pater ad me deiciendam’; but B has the corrupt reading ‘et contemptaret (for ‘cum temptaret’) pater me deicien- dam’: g renders this by cal ws éorovdaley 6 ratip wou KaTa- Banrety amd ths époroyias. In c¢. vii. p. 72,1. 14, we have ‘cum moreretur’ A; ‘cum moraretur’ B; this latter being represented in g by wepiov ért. A striking instance is found in ¢. xii. p. 80,1. 12:
angeli quattuor stabant, qui introeuntes uestierunt stolas
candidas: et A erant angeli quattuor introeuntes et nos uestiti stolas can- didas B
Here ‘introeuntes’ has passed in B from the accusative into the nominative case: and this is reproduced in the Greek Version, which however must have been made from a text less hopelessly corrupt than that now given in B: eicerOovtes of tTécoapes ayyedou évédvcay nuds AEvKAS oTONAS.
In the same chapter (p. 80, 1. 22) we have ‘stemus et stetimus’ A; ‘stemus et stemus’ B. The reading in g, crafouev Kai mpoc- evéwpucOa, looks like an attempt at restoring sense by the aid of a liturgical formula.
Thus we are led to postulate for BCg a common ancestor independent of A. This ancestor among other defects had lost the name of Geta, but it retained the preface, which is wanting in B and C. To it I am also inclined to attribute the commence- ment of the confusion as to the date and locality of our Martyrs, which is found in the Greek Version and in the Short Latin recension. As to date, the omission of Geta’s name opened the door to conjecture; for it is the only decisive note of time in the piece: and with regard to place, it is interesting to compare the phrase ‘in ciuitate Turbitana, in the title of C, with the words éy woAet Sovxpitavev (for QovpBitdvev) TH pixpotépa, which in the Greek Version immediately follows the prefatory section which C has omitted.
THE SHORT LATIN ACTS. 15
It will be seen from my text that of these two lines of testimony, A and BCg, I have almost always given the preference to the former. Again and again A gives a more difficult reading which commends itself on further investigation, but which is exchanged in BCg for something easier, though less idiomatic or less forcible.
The Origin and Use of the Short Latin Acts.
The longer form of the Martyrdom was obviously inconvenient for the annual commemoration, especially in localities which were not directly interested in the African Church, and at a time when other martyrs had to be commemorated on the same day’. Consequently the time arrived when the story of our martyrs had to be rewritten to bring it within a more manageable compass. At what period this was done it is perhaps not possible to de- termine: but it was probably after the confusion as to their locality and date had been already effected (see below, p. 25). But the manner in which it was done is plain to see. The old story was lacking in the one feature which characterises so many of the fictitious narratives of martyrdoms, and to which the appellation ‘Acta’ more especially refers. There was no account of the pro- longed controversy between the martyrs and the cruel or the kind-hearted judge. This had to be supplied: and the new ma- terial carries with it its own condemnation. No one who appre- ciates the noble and dignified picture of Perpetua in the longer Martyrdom will for a moment believe that before the proconsul, and again in answer to her father’s appeal, she punned upon her name. Nor is it likely that Felicitas when asked whether she had a husband, replied, ‘Habeo quem nunc contemno. For the rest the compiler has made a very bad use of the longer form, which must have been fresh in his memory, if not actually before him. He has marred everything that he has touched.
The verbal coincidences are too close to allow of the supposition that his narrative is independent of the longer form: as may be
1 Hiven in the old Carthaginian Calendar Septimia comes on the same day with our martyrs. In the old Syrian Martyrology we read, ‘Perpetua, Saturnilus and ten other Confessors.’ In the Menology of Basil and in the Menaeum Trypho takes precedence of them. In the Roman Breviary they at last give way altogether before 8. Thomas Aquinas. ,
16 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
seen, to take a single instance, when he reproduces in his own manner the rhetorical contrast of ¢. xvill. ‘a sanguine ad san- guinem,’ &c. But on the other hand towards the end he most strangely deserts the authority which should have kept him right, and says that Saturus and Perpetua were devoured by lions. The brevity of the account of the scene in the amphitheatre may have been due to his having already exhausted the space allotted to him; but the error is hard to explain, for it does not seem that his copy of the original Martyrdom was defective at the close.
It is not improbable that the Latin MS. which the abbreviator used was either that from which the Greek Version had been made, or some other descendant of the ancestor of BCg. For, if this were so, we can account for certain strange points of resemblance ' between the Greek Version and the Short Latin, which deserve to be noticed somewhat in detail.
The short Latin Acts commence with the words: “Facta per- secutione sub Valeriano et Gallieno, comprehensi sunt uenerabiles uiri iuuenes, Saturus et Saturninus, duo fratres, Reuocatus et Felicitas soror eius, et Perpetua, quae erat,” &c. The Greek text begins with two titles, the first of which is a mere heading, correcting the false date of the second and earlier title from vovats Pevpovapiats to TH pd Teccapwy vovev Pevpovapiwr, and adding evAdynoov, the ejaculation of the Reader. But the second is a complete sentence, as though it were intended to serve as the commencement of the Martyrdom: ’Eat Ovandepidvou Kat Tarsnvod Simypos éyévero, év © éuaptipnaar ot aytot Latupos, Laroupviros, ‘Peoveatos, Ueprerova, Onrtxntaty, vovats Devpov- apias. After this commences the translation of the Long Latin Martyrdom.
Now the correspondence between this sentence and the com- mencement of the Short Latin is very striking. We have (1) the same mistake as to the emperors, (2) the phrase ‘persecution arose, (8) the first place given to Saturus in the list of martyrs, (4) the omission of Secundulus.
It is hard to explain these coincidences except on the hypothesis that the Greek is a direct translation of Latin words prefixed to the Martyrdom in the copy used by the translator: and that the Latin abbreviator found the same words in his copy, and
THE SHORT LATIN ACTS. 17
modified them (1) by inserting ‘ comprehensi’ and ‘ iuuenes,’ from ‘apprehensi’ and ‘adolescentes’ at the beginning of ¢. ii.; (2) by introducing ‘duo fratres’ and ‘soror eius,’ perhaps from his own imagination; (3) by placing Perpetua last, in order to run on with the fuller description of her which he has drawn from ce. 11.
Moreover we can explain in this way how the Greek translator has come by his wrong date, the nones of February. ‘ Nonis Martiis’ still survives in the title of C, and it is found at the close of the Short Latin. This is the unvarying date of the Com- memoration in the west, and indeed it is retained in the old Syriac Martyrology (see below, p. 23). But the Greek date was the second of February, He seems therefore to have taken his day from the Latin heading; whilst he, or a subsequent copyist of his work, has altered the month from a recollection of his own calendar.
I have already referred to the puzzling insertion in the Greek of the words év adder Povxpitdvey (sic)” TH ptxpotépa, and have noticed their correspondence with the words ‘in ciuitate Turbi- tana’ in the heading of C. They correspond still more closely with ‘in ciuitate Turbitanorum,’ which is the reading of many early MSS. of the Short Latin: and 77 prxporépa no doubt points to an original ‘ minore,’ which may have been afterwards neglected as unnecessary, or may have fallen out after ‘-norum’ (TURBITA- NORVMINORE).
Tn c. 11, Perpetua’s age is given thus by our various authorities:
Erat autem ipsa circiter annorum uiginti duo, A.
Erat autem ipsa annorum circiter uiginti et duo, B, "Hy 8€ avry érév elxoot dvo.
Annorum enim erat illa duorum et uiginti, Short Latin.
1 The Commemoration of both Trypho and Perpetua is placed on Feb. 1 in the Menaeum; probably to keep Feb. 2 clear for the Feast of the Purification. But in the Basilian Menology (see below, p. 21) both of these saints are commemorated on Feb. 2. ,
2 In the Menaeum (see below, p. 21) we find Oov8pirdvwy, which in MSS. which used the u-shaped 8 would be almost undistinguishable from Oovxpirdvwv. In the account of the 7th Council of Carthage by Joh. Zonaras (Migne, Patr. Lat. 11. 1090) we read of OxjdaTos dri OovpBav. In the Latin (ibid. p. 1062) it is *‘Sedatus a Tuburbo.’
R. 2
18 THE PASSION OF S, PERPETUA.
It seems probable that the ancestor of the BCg group, with which our theory connects the Short Latin, had omitted ‘circiter ’ from the text, but had retained it in the margin. It reappears in a new place in B, but it is lost altogether in the Greek Version,
and in the Short Latin. At the close of Perpetua’s first interview with her father we
read:
Long Latin.
Tune pater motus hoc uerbo, mittit se in me ut oculos mihi erueret: sed uexauit tantum et profecto (profectus BC) est uictus cum argumentis diaboli.
Short Latin.
Tune pater eius audito hocuerbo irruit super eam, uolens oculos eius eruere ; et exclamans confusus e- gressus est foras.
Greek Version.
Tére 6 rarip mov Tapax- Oeis TwHSE TE Ab-ywH ewEeNOwv HOeEAno Ev Tos dPBarpovs fou é£opvéar’ erecta pbvov Kpdias €&NGev viKy- Gels pera Tav TOD diaBdrou LeyXav ov.
Here we may note the correspondence of ‘uolens’ and 70éAncev,
and more especially of ‘exclamans’ and xpafas. p p
The latter may
point to a misreading of ‘uexauit’ as ‘uocauit.’ B is in confusion
here, reading ‘ uexauero’: the reading of C is not recorded.
*Pro-
fectus’ of B and C reappears as ¢£7\Oev and ‘egressus est foras 1
In c. vii. we have noticed the loss of the name ‘ Getae’ from BCg. Corresponding to this we read in the Short Latin in one place ‘in Caesaris natale, and in another ‘die natali Caesaris’ ; but Geta’s name is absent.
In c. xvill. we read as follows:
Long Latin. Lotura post partum baptismo secundo.
Short Latin. De lauatione post par- tum balnei sanguinis effu- sione meruit relauari.
Greek Version.
Méddouca Aodcac@at pe- Ta Tov ToKeTov BaTTICLe devrépp, Tovrégre Ty Ldly aluart.
Here it would seem as though ‘baptismo secundo’ had evoked a marginal gloss, which was adopted as a correction by the abbre- viator, and incorporated as an addition by the Greek translator.
1 In one of the preceding sentences, ‘Pater, inquam, uides uerbi gratia’ &c., the
reading of: B is ‘uidens’ :
and it can hardly be a mere coincidence that ‘uidens’
appears in the same sentence in some of the oldest MSS. of the Short Latin.
THE SHORT LATIN ACTS, 19
But by far the most remarkable modification which the Greek has in common with the Short Latin is found in Perpetua’s first Vision (c. iv.). Here the Greek translator tells us that the ladder was so narrow that no one could go up, save only one by himself alone’. He then leaves out the epithet ‘prior,’ which was applied to Saturus and which suggested that he was not the only one to climb: and presently he omits the words ‘et ascendi, and so
leaves Perpetua to find her garden at the ladder’s foot.
It cannot
be a mere coincidence that in this he is in complete harmony
with the Short Latin Acts.
It will make the matter clearer, and
at the same time serve to illustrate the loose way in which the abbreviator has dealt with his materials, if we transcribe the three documents at this point in full.
Long Latin.
Video scalam aeream mirae magnitudinis per- tingentem usque ad cae- lum, et angustam: per quam nonnisi singuli as- cendere possent: et in lateribus scalae omne genus ferramentorum in- fixum. Erant ibi gladii, lanceae, hami, macherae: ut si quis neglegenter aut non sursum adtendens ascenderet, laniaretur, et carnes eius inhaererent ferramentis. Et erat sub ipsa scala draco cubans mirae magnitudinis, qui ascendentibus insidias praesiabat, et exterrebat ne ascenderent. Ascendit autem Saturus prior, qui postea se propter nos ultro tradiderat, quia ipse nos aedificauerat et tune cum
Short Latin.
Vidi in uisu hae nocte scalam aeream mirabili altitudine usque ad cae- lum, et ita erat angusta ut nonnisi wus per eam ascendere posset. Dextra uero laeuaque inerant fixi culivit et gladii ferrei, ut nullus cirea se nisi ad caelum respicere posset. Sub ea uero iacebat latens draco teterrimus ingenti forma, ut prae metu eius quiuis ascendere formi- daret. Vidi etiam ascen- dentem per eam Saturum usque ad sursum, et respi- cientem ad nos et dicen- tem: Ne uereamini hune draconem qui iacet; con- fortamini in gratia Christi, ascendite et nolite timere, ut mecum partem habere possitis. Vidietiam tuzta
Greek Version.
EtSov xAiwaxa yadxhp . Gavuacrod piKous’ Hs 7O LKos &xpts ovpavod” orevy dé Hv, ws pndéva Ov adris StvacGat ef ph povaxdy éva dvaBivare é& éxaré- pwy 6é€ Tay Tis KAluaKos epaay TWENTY LEVOV
a = > 3 may eldos nv épu- fipuv,
Sopdrwr, dyklorpwv, paxat-
éKet
pav, dBedtoxwy: ta was 6 dvaBalvay dued@s kat wh Lf 4 “ > f
avaBrXémwv Tots aKovTioss Tas odpkas omapaxOeln’ jv bé bm’ avTy TH KAimaKe dpdxwy breppeyédys, bs 5H Tovs avaBaivovras év7dpev- ev, é€xOapB@v Orws by ToAR@OoLv dvaBaiver. ap- é€Bn 6é 6 ee af pad e A tz Uorepov Oc’ jas éxwv mwapé-
Zdrvpos' 6s 6}
dwKey éaurdv* avTod yap kal otkodouy Yuey* GAN’ OTe cuveNiPOnuey dry. ws
1 Apparently povaxds efs in this place means ‘one man at a time,’ and not ‘one monk’; but it must be admitted that the translator has been unfortunate in his choice of so ambiguous an expression.
2—2
20 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
adducti sumus praesens non fuerat. Et peruenit in caput scalae, et con-
uertit se et dixit mihi: -
Perpetua, sustineo te: sed uide ne te mordeat draco ille. Et dixi ego: Non me nocebit, in no- mine Iesu Christi. Et desub ipsa scala quasi timens me lente eiecit caput: et quasi primum gradum calcarem, calcaui ili caput. Ht ascendi, et uidi spatium immensum
scalam horium ingentem, copiosissimum et amoe- num, etc.
*
oty mpos Th Expov Tis KXL- paxos qmapeyévero, éaTpa- on Kai elev’ Tleprerova, mepysévas oe’ aGdAAG BAEte bn oe 6 Spdxwy Sdxn, Kat Od wh me Brdyn év dvéuate "Inoot Xpiorod. kal broxdtw THs KAluakos awoel PoBovperds pe Tpéua Thy Kepahhy mpoojveyKer’ kal ws els Tov prov Baé- pov HOéEANGA éwtBFvat, Tip Kepadhy abrob érarnoa. Kai eidov éxel xijrov pé- yloTov, K.T.N.
elroy *
horti, ete.
It seems then that the Greek translator considered that Per- petua’s triumph consisted in treading on the dragon’s head, and not im climbing the ladder: and that he was led to conceive of the garden, as the writer of the Short Acts has also apparently done}, as being at the foot of the ladder (é«e?, ‘iuxta scalam’) and not at its summit.
The Sarum Breviary is a good instance of the use which was made of the work of the Latin abbreviator. There we find it distributed into three lections, as follows: (1) ‘Facta itaque per- secutione—egressus est foras’; (2) ‘Orantes uero—dignos esse effectos. (8) ‘Videns uero proconsul—in saecula saeculorum. Amen. So that nothing is omitted, except the miserable alter- cation between the Martyrs and their judge. It is of course open to us to suppose that this was itself a later interpolation ; but the style of it is too like the rest to favour this view.
The old Roman Breviary (quoted by Holsten, p. 72) contains the same matter, though in a somewhat embellished form. But from the later Roman Breviaries our Martyrs have been ousted altogether by 8. Thomas Aquinas.
1 In the Sarum Breviary we have the interesting variant ‘circa scalam,’ which may at any rate shew the interpretation that would naturally be put on the Short Latin in this place.
t
THE SHORT LATIN ACTS. 21
It is interesting to trace the struggle between the competing commemorations in the local Breviaries. Thus in the copy in the Cambridge University Library of the very rare printed Breviary of Upsala (Stockholm, 1496) we find SS. Perpetua and Felicitas with a collect in the text, but S. Thomas is written in at the side as ‘eodem die,’ and his collect runs round the margin. In the Calendar of the Roman Breviary of 1728 S. Thomas is entered on July 15 (‘ canoniz. 1323’), but with a cross reference to March 7, where he is found in brackets after our Martyrs.
In the Breviary of Quimper in Brittany (Paris, 1835) they still hold their own unchallenged; and the lection is a really admirable abbreviation of the Long Latin, without a single mis- take or unworthy alteration, and with the simple addition of the true date and locality: ‘sub Seuero Imperatore, Carthagine in Africa” This same lection in a slightly corrupted form is found also in the Breviary of Rennes (1822).
The Greek day of the Commemoration is now (see p. 17 n.) the first of February, and under this date in the Menaeum we find a brief lection, which wrongly describes Perpetua as é« méXews OovBpitaverv ths Adpsxns, but rightly states that she and Feli- citas were tossed by a mad cow: so that it must be independent of the Short Acts.
In the Menology of Basil we find a double entry, which is interesting in connection with the transference of the festival. Under March 14 we have after S. Euschemon of Lampsacus and before S. Alexander of Pydna: cat d@dnows TeV ayiwy papTipev Latvpov, Satoupvinrov, ‘Peveatov, Uepmerovas, cal Dirnxerarys év 7h “Popn paptupnoavtor. The writer was no doubt misled as to the locality by the absence of any definite statement in the Longer Latin which he had used in his previous entry. Under February 2 we have a most extraordinary mutilation of the story, which is worth reproducing in full, as it illustrates the controversy between Hast and West on the subject of Purgatory.
"AOAnots THv ayiwv Ilepmerovas, Latupov, ‘Pevedtov, Latup- virov, Lexovvdov Kab Pnrwxvradrns.
‘H tod xpiorod waptus Ieprrerova jv é« THs ydpas "Adpixgs’ mel O€ TOY YpLoTOY Wpodoyel, KpaTnOcioa Tapa Tav ‘EAAnVOY mTpoanxOn Te THS Yopas apyovTs peta TaV AOLTOV ayiwrv. Hv dé
22, THE. PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
Th dyia Bpépos vrouatiov Kat adeAdds dvoywa Acwwoxparys. TyLwpobvTaL oY Tapa Tod apxovTos. ita éuBaddovTas eis guranjy. kat Oewpel 1} ayia Kat bvap cKdday yarkhjy pOdvov- cay dns yhs eis ovpavov, éxovoav eis ta Sto pépyn eumernypéva TdavTa Ta TOY KOAaaTHpioV eldy Kal SpaKkovta UTO THY oKaaD KoAVovTa TOs avaBaivovtas’ Kat Tov ayiov Latipov dvaBavta Kat otpadévta mpdos avtiy Kat réyovTa’ Mirép pov Llepzrerova, Tepipévn ce. Hv Sé Kal 6 adeAdds avis ev érépa hudaxn’ Kal opa Kal wept avtod, 6Tt waplotato Ackavy VdaTos’ Kal avedov erivev é& avis’ Kat eyva bre éreXevTyoe. Kai TO Tpwl aT pev peTa Onrcxitdtns vd Sapaddewv aypiov xepatiobeicar anéOavov' of dé Aoutrol eodaynear.
The use of oxdXayv, and not xAiwaxa, as well as other differ- ences in the Greek words, points to the fact that this summary is independent of the Greek version.
Were our Martyrs Thuburbitan ?
In the original Latin Passion of 8. Perpetua, as contained in the Monte Cassino codex, no locality whatever is assigned to the Martyrs. This is natural enough in a contemporary document intended for the use of the African Church, especially if the Martyrs belonged to Carthage and suffered there. Indeed the omission in itself suggests that they were Carthaginians’. This view is confirmed by the statement of Victor Vitensis that their remains rested in a Basilica at Carthage which bore their names. After speaking of the desolation wrought by the Vandals among the public buildings of Carthage generally, he goes on to say: ‘Et ut de necessariis loquar, basilicam maiorem ubi corpora sanctarum martyrum Perpetuae atque Felicitatis sepulta sunt, Celerinae uel Scilitanorum et alias quas non destruxerunt, suae religioni licentia tyrannica mancipauerunt’ (Vict. Vit. L 3 § 9). This of course does not preclude the possibility of their having been brought from another town to suffer at Carthage, as was the case with the Scillitan Martyrs.
1 The silence of 8S. Augustine, who frequently refers to our Martyrs, is capable of the same interpretation: see below, p. 24.
WERE OUR MARTYRS THUBURBITAN ? 93
Moreover in the old Roman Calendar’ which goes back to the time of Liberius in the middle of the fourth century, we read simply: ‘Nonis Martii, Perpetuae et Felicitatis Africae.’ In Prosper’s Chronicon (Migne, Patr. Lat: 51, p. 566) under the head of the Fifth Persecution, in the time of Severus, we have: ‘Qua tempestate Perpetua et Felicitas pro Christo passae sunt, nonis Martiis, apud Carthaginem Africae in castris bestiis de- putatae Antonino II. et Geta.’ This notice reappears almost word for word in Bede, De sew aetat. (Ed. Basil. 1563, 11. 185). And other authorities might be cited in the same sense”.
The old Carthaginian Calendar, discovered by Mabillon in the binding of a book and published by him with annotations in his Vetera Analecta®, unfortunately fails us at this pomt. It begins with ‘xiii Kal. Maias’ and ends with ‘xiii Kal. Mart.,’ so that the nones of March are not contained in it. Mabillon says that this is because during Lent no such festivals were celebrated in the African Church: Ruinart thinks that we have not the whole of the Calendar.
Thus far then we have no indication that the Martyrs were Thuburbitan. But in a short Roman Martyrology (Holst. p. 60) we read: ‘Nonis Martii, In Mauritania ciuitate Tuburbitanorum SS. Martyrum Perpetuae et Felicitatis. This notice is found elsewhere; and in the Martyrology included in Bede’s works (Ed. Basil. 1563, 111. 897) it is combined with further statements and
1 Commonly called the Bucherian after its discoverer, Bouchier: printed by Buin. p. 617.
2 See Acta Bolland. under Mar. 7, and Analecta Bolland. u. 16, where in the Martyrol. Trevirense we find: ‘{Non.] Mar. Africa passio Perpetuae . Felicitatis . Saturi.” For the Basilian Menology see above, p. 21. The Syriac Martyrology published by Dr Wright from the old Nitrian MS. in the British Museum (Journ. of Sacr. Lit. vol, vit. N.S. pp. 45—56, 423-432) gives the following entry, which is especially interesting as being almost the only mention of a Western Martyrdom which finds a place here :
ral aia camio oo eaiadts dintis chsarsa CFA, TAT wa waluyalwa Translated by Dr Wright: ‘Adar (March) 7. In Africa, of the number of the ancients, Perpetua, Saturninus (MS. Saturnilus), and ten other Confessors.’
3 im. 398. The Calendar without the notes is given by Ruin. pp. 618 f., and with additional notes by Miinter, Prim. Eccl. Afr. pp. 251 ff.
2 4 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
among them the date ‘sub Seuero principe’; and the whole entry is reproduced in Ado under March 7*.
It is to be observed that in all these notices the date, if given at all, is given correctly. But now a new confusion awaits us. In the Roman Martyrology published by Galesinius (Holst. p. 74) we have as the locality ‘Thuburbae in Mauritania, and as the date ‘Valeriano et Galieno imperatvuribus. On this Galesinius remarks that though the statement is to be found elsewhere, yet ‘ ueteres emendatioresque rei Ecclesiasticae annales aliter ostendunt; quorum auctoritatem secuti reponimus, Septimio Seuero imp. anno scilicet Christi ccirx, Antonino It et Geta Consulibus®’
This is just the confusion which meets us in the Short Latin Acts and in the Greek version of the Long Latin. How are we to account for it ?
In the old Carthaginian Calendar we have the following entry: ‘im Kal. Ag. Sanctarum Tuburbitanarum et Septimiae.” And in Ado’s Roman Martyrology (and, with variations, elsewhere) under the same date: ‘Apud Africam, ciuitate Tuburbo Lucernariae, natale sanctarum uirginum Maximae, Donatillae et Secundae: quae persecutione Gallieni sub Anolino indice passae sunt, &c, &c. Thus the Thuburbitan Martyrs are Maxima, Donatilla and Secunda, and they suffer under Anulinus in the persecution of Gallienus.
Together with this we may set the fact that S. Augustine, who does not mention these famous Martyrs by their names, speaks of the festival of the Thuburbitan Martyrs*® in a sermon De Contemptu Mundi (Kid. Ben. v. 1338, note b) first published by Sirmondi. Now althongh S. Augustine never connects S. Perpetua and her companions with Thuburbo, yet Sirmondi at once identified the Thuburbitan Martyrs with them. Perhaps the mistake was made by others long before, and may even have been the source of the whole confusion.
1 Compare the confused entries in Martyrol. Fuldense (dnal. Boll. 1. 9), and in the Hieronymian Martyrol. ex cod. Bernensi (Brux. 1881), where some of the same names are repeated three times in the entry, and we have: ‘In Mauritania ciuitate Turpitanorum passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis.’
2 But Antoninus II. and Geta =—205, whereas Antoninus III. and Geta II. = 208.
3 To add to our perplexity there is a variant here; Suburbitanarum.
WERE OUR MARTYRS THUBURBITAN ? 25
When we examine the story of the Thuburbitan Martyrs as given by Ado (July 30), we find great reason to doubt its genuine- ness. For, in the first place, they cannot have suffered in the reign of Gallienus at all. For in the Acta Crispimae (Ruin. p. 450) the proconsul Anulinus mentions their names to Crispina, as being her ‘consortes, and threatens that she shall suffer as they have already suffered. But these Acts mention Diocletian and Maximian as the reigning emperors; and this must be the right date for Anulinus’. .
Moreover their whole story bears a suspicious resemblance to that of S. Perpetua and her companions. Thus, they are exposed to the beasts, they kiss each other in the arena ‘to complete the martyrdom with the peace’,’ and because the bear refuses to injure them they are put to the sword.
I would venture therefore to suggest that there has been complete confusion between our Martyrs and the Thuburbitans of July 30, whose names only seem to have survived and whose story had to be written down from imagination. The Thuburbitans gave their locality and their own false date (Gallienus) to our Martyrs*, and received in turn some of the details of our Passion.
1 Tuseus and Anulinus were consuls in 295. Optatus Milevitanus refers to Anulinus as a persecutor under Diocletian (c, Donat. 111. p. 76, ed. Paris, 1676: ‘in prouincia proconsulari...Annulinus, in Numidia Florus’).
There were the ‘dies turificationis,’ C. I. L. Afr. 6700. The earlier Anulinus, the general of Severus, was consul in 199, and also proconsul of Africa, ibid. 1170. We find Anulinus as a persecutor very frequently: e.g. in the Passion of Felix, Ruin. p. 356; of Saturninus and Dativus, Ruin. p. 383 ; of Mammarius, Mabillon, Vet. Anal. tv. 93; of the Alatinensian Martyrs, ibid. rv. 104, and even in Italy and in the time of Nero in the obviously fictitious Greek acts of Nazarius and Gervasius, Migne, Symeon Metaphr. m1. 895.
2 *Quae cum inducerentur, in media arena osculatae sunt se inuicem, ut mar- tyrium pace complerent.’ Compare Perp. c. xxi., ‘ante iam osculati inuicem, ut martyrium per solemnia pacis consummarent.’
3 This was the more easily done because the original Latin Passion seems to have given no locality and no date for the Martyrdom, if we except the incidental notice, ‘natale tunc Getae Caesaris.’ The name of Geta moreover survives only in Holsten’s MS. It is quite conceivable that it was erased in some copies almost at once in consequence of the well-known action of Caracalla. Compare Dio 77. 12 (quoted by Clinton): e¢ tis éypawe 7d bvoua 7d Tod Téra pdvov, 7 elre pdvov, etOds amadero* S0ev ob’ ev tals kwumdlats of ronal é7: abt éxpGvrTo, Viven if persecution had ceased, it would still be dangerous to recite the name of Geta in commemorating the Martyrs.
26 THE PASSION OF 8. PERPETUA.
Another consideration which may shake our belief in the assignment of our Martyrs to Thuburbo is the frequently repeated phrase ‘Mauritania in ciuitate Tuburbitanarum. For although there are two towns in proconsular Africa within a radius of forty miles from Carthage called respectively Thuburbo Maius and Thuburbo Minus, we have no evidence of any town of that name in the Mauritanian district. So that we may regard the whole statement as probably the fiction of a later time.
If the account of the matter which I have here suggested is a reasonable one, it will be at least hazardous henceforward to speak of 8. Perpetua and her companions as Thuburbitan Martyrs’.
The influence of the Shepherd of Hermas upon the Visions of the Martyrs.
It is a familiar experience with us all that our dreams can frequently be traced back to thoughts which have been present to our waking moments; and that their materials, in whatever strange combinations they may present themselves, are derived largely, if not exclusively, from our recollections. If therefore it should appear on examination that many of the details in the Visions of the African Martyrs may have been suggested by the Shepherd of Hermas, we shall not for that reason be tempted to question their genuineness, unless it can at the same time be further shewn that the phraseology in which they are narrated bears a suspiciously close relation to that of Hermas.
Before entering on this enquiry it may be well to note to what extent the Visions are indebted to narratives contained in the Canonical Scriptures. We can scarcely doubt that the Ladder in Perpetua’s first Vision was suggested by the story of Jacob’s Dream. Compare the words of Perpetua, ‘Video scalam aeream mirae magnitudinis pertingentem usque ad caelum,’ with Gen.
1 The epithet was challenged by Valois in his preface to the Passion of S. Perpetua, and has also been rejected by Miinter (Prim. Eccl. Afr. p. 208) and recently by Pillet, who quotes with satisfaction from the Letters Apostolic of Leo XIII., who, in restoring the ‘Apostolic Chair’ of Carthage in 1884, refers to the Martyrs as Carthaginians (Histoire de Sainte Perpétue, p. 66).
THE SHEPHERD OF HERMAS AND THE VISIONS. 27
xxviil. 12, Vulg." ‘Viditque in somnio scalam stantem super terram, et cacumen illius tangens caelum. It is interesting in this connection to recall a passage in the Acts of Montanus and Lucius, which are a base imitation of our Martyrdom, where the message of the Lord in the Vision of Victor is: ‘Dic illis signum Jacobi’ (Ruin. p. 232).
Again, in the Vision in which she first sees Dinocrates, we read : ‘Et mter me et lum grande erat diastema, ita ut uterque ad inuicem accedere non possemus.’ With this we naturally compare S. Lue. xvi. 26, Vulg. ‘Inter nos et uos chaos magnum firmatum est: ut hi qui uolunt hinc transire ad uos non possint, neque inde huc transmeare.’
Again in the Vision of her conflict with the Egyptian we have obvious reminiscences of Gen. ili. The Egyptian, whom afterwards she knows to be the devil, rolls himself in the dust, and presently endeavours to catch her by the feet; but she tramples upon his head. Here we have the conflict between the Woman and the Serpent, and perhaps even a testimony to the antiquity of the rendering : ‘ipsa conteret caput tuum, et tu insidiaberis calcaneo eius. Nor is it unreasonable to combine with this the appearance of the devil in the first Vision as a dragon ‘qui ascendentibus insidias praestabat.’
In the Vision of Saturus we have the snow-white hair of the Lord (cf. Apoc. i. 14) and the elders, ‘seniores,’ standing round Him; and ‘stolae candidae’ and ‘stetimus ante thronum, answering to ‘stantes ante thronum amicti stolis albis’ in Apoc. vii. 9. It is possible even that the strange phrase ‘et de manu sua traiecit nobis in faciem’ may have been suggested by -the last words of the same chapter; ‘et absterget Deus omnem lacrimam ab oculis eorum.’
But there still remain a multitude of details, which must have been suggested by something which the Martyrs had either heard or read, and for the origin of many of which I believe that we must look to the Shepherd of Hermas.
1 The question of the Latin Version used in Africa at this time has no clear light thrown upon it by the words of our Martyrs themselves, although something perhaps may be learned from the quotations of the redactor. I have given the Vulgate renderings for obvious reasons of convenience.
28 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
Thus in her first Vision Perpetua sees beneath the Ladder a dragon of wondrous size, who endeavours to terrify those who would climb. Saturus, having climbed, turns and says to her: ‘Perpetua, I wait for thee: but see that that dragon bite thee not.’ She replies: ‘He shall not hurt me, in the name of Jesus Christ.’ ‘And from underneath the ladder as if in fear of me he gently put out his head; and as though I were treading on the first step, I trod on his head.’ When she reaches the top she is greeted with the words: ‘Thou hast well come, my child’ (Bene uenisti).
Hermas sees in his fourth Vision ‘a very great beast, a hundred feet in length’ and with a strange head (@nplov péyotov wcel KATOS TL..TO pHnKEL Woe ToOdMY p'' THY b& KEhadry eixev ws kepapov.. Vis. iv. 1. 6). ‘And I began to weep and to ask the Lord that He would deliver me from him. And I remembered the word which I had heard (it had been spoken to him mysteriously just before), Hermas be not of doubtful mind...and I boldly presented myself to the beast...I come nigh to him; and that huge monster stretches himself out on the ground, and does nothing but put out histongue.’ Immediately after this the Church meets him in the guise of a Virgin, and he relates to her his escape from the beast. ‘Thou hast well escaped’ (xaras éFédevyes), she says, ‘because thou didst cast thy care on God and open thy heart to the Lord, believing that by none other canst thou be saved, but only through the great and glorious Name.’ He is then charged with a message to the Lord’s elect to ‘tell them that this beast is a type of the great tribulation which is about to come,’ but which through repentance and faith they may be able to escape.
In the Garden near the top of the ladder Perpetua finds a tall Man with white hair, in a shepherd’s dress (‘in habitu pastoris’), milking sheep. This no doubt is intended for the Lord, and, when we remember how often the figure of the Shepherd occurs in Christian literature and art, we shall not be willing to press too closely the parallel of Hermas’s Shepherd. But it is worth noticing that it is in the very next Vision to the one we have mentioned that Hermas for the first time is introduced to his
1 Tf we could accept Hilgenfeld’s ingenious emendation kepiorov, ‘a horned serpent,’ the parallel would be still closer.
THE SHEPHERD OF HERMAS AND THE VISIONS, 29
Shepherd, whom he describes as dvjp tis évdokos TH dyper, cxNMaTE motpevixe@ (Vis. v. 1).
In Perpetua’s second Vision she sees her brother Dinocrates, who had died of a gangrene in the face at the age of seven years, in a dark place, dirty and pale and with the wound still in his face. He is moreover hot and thirsty, and is vainly trying to get at the water of a font (‘ piscina,’ coAuu87nApa) whose rim is above his head. The boy no doubt had died unbaptised', and this was the cause of his appearing to be in a place of torment. ‘ Piscina’ in its ecclesiastical use at once suggests a baptismal font, and although the boy is represented as anxious to quench his thirst this does not prevent us from interpreting his real need as that of baptism.
In a later Vision she sees him, in answer to her prayers, cleansed, well clothed and refreshed: only the scar of the old wound is to be seen: the rim of the font is lowered to the boy’s waist; and he drinks water out of a golden goblet that never fails. His need was supplied and he departed from the water ‘to play in the manner of children with great delight. Then I understood that he was released from punishment’ (‘Tunc intellexi translatum eum esse de poena’).
Now in the third Vision of Hermas we have the first account of the Building of the Tower; and, among the stones which are rejected, we hear of ‘some falling into fire and being burned ; and others falling near to water, and not able to roll into the water, although they wish to roll and come into the water’ (Vis. ii. 2. 9). It is explained later (i. 7. 3) that ‘these are they that have heard the word and wish to be baptised into the name of the Lord, but their baptism is prevented by their own unstedfast-
1 It is fair to state that this view is directly challenged and contradicted by S. Augustine (De Anima ad Renatum 1.10). But he could only argue from the proba- bilities of the case, and moreover he was blinded by the desire to dispose of a disagreeable objection. It is most improbable that in a pagan household a boy of seven years old should have been baptised even if his sister were a Christian at the time of his death; and of this we have no evidence whatever: indeed she was probably a recent convert, and was only a Catechumen at the time of her arrest. 8. Augustine’s suggestion that the child was old enough to tell lies, and so though baptised to need a period of torture after death, is a mournful illustration of the straits to which a good man may be driven by the exigencies of controversy.
30 | THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
ness. There is still a hope for the rejected ones; but only ‘when they have been tormented...and then (if they repent) it shall happen to them to be released from their torments’ (werareOjvat éx TOV Bacadvev avTar).
In the ninth Similitude we have great stress laid on the ne- - cessity of the water, or the seal (7) ofpayis odv To Udwp éeotiv): and we are distinctly told of some who have received it after death. (Sim. ix. 15. 5 of dadoronXo kai of didaoKarot,...coopn- Gévres...ennpuvEav Kat toils mpoxexoiunpévors, kal avtol eéwxay avtots Thy odpayisa tod Knpvyuatos. KxatéByoapv ody per avTav eis TO UOwp, K.T.A.)
Passing on to Perpetua’s last Vision (c. x.) we find Pomponius the deacon coming to her in a white robe and with ‘ manifold shoes’ (‘multiplices galliculas’). He conducts her to the amphi- theatre and departs with the words: “Fear not; I am here with thee, and suffer along with thee.” After this comes a hideous Egyptian with his attendants to fight with her. Then ‘there come to me beautiful young men, as my attendants and supporters. And I am stripped and turned into a man: and my supporters begin to rub me down with oil, as they do for the games: and I see that Egyptian on the other hand rolling in the dust. And there came forth a man of wondrous size, so as even to reach above the top of the amphitheatre...having also manifold shoes, made of gold and silver (‘galliculas multiformes ex auro et argento factas’), and bearing a rod like a trainer (‘quasi lanista’), and a green bough, on which were golden apples.’ She wrestles and fights with the Egyptian, and at last throws him and treads upon his face. Then she comes and receives the bough, and begins ‘to go with glory to the porta Sanautuaria (a sort of Gate of Life, mentioned later on in the actual history of her martyrdom). And I awoke, and understood that it was not with beasts but against the devil that I was to fight. But I knew that victory was mine.’
The appearance of Pomponius in a glorified form, with the promise to be with her in her struggle against the devil, may be compared with the promise of the Angel of Repentance to Hermas, “Fear ye not the devil, for there is no power in him against you: for I will be with you...The devil can wrestle against you, but wrestle you down he cannot.” (Mand. xii. 4. 6, 7 and 5. 2, wij) foB7Onre
THE SHEPHERD OF HERMAS AND THE VISIONS. ol
Tov Std Borov...dvvatat 6 ddBoros avtitaNaicat, kataTradaicar é ov Svvarat).
Sprinkling with sand or dust after being anointed was a common practice in the games; but in Perpetua’s mind it is no doubt con- nected with the language of Genesis iii.’: and the influence of this passage, as we have seen, is further to be traced when the Egyptian tries to take her by the feet, and she at last tramples on his head.
The beautiful young men who come to support her, together with the extraordinary stature of the man who appears as the trainer, may be paralleled from Herm. Sim. ix. 6. 1 where we have a man of lofty stature, overtopping the Tower, surrounded by others who are ‘glorious.’ He also has a rod in his hand, with which he tests all the stones of the building (avnp Tis vndos TH peyéer, Bote TOV TUpPYOV Um EpeXesy).
The beautiful shoes, observed in two instances in Perpetua’s Vision, have a curious counterpart in the ‘white shoes’ of the Church when she appears to Hermas after he has escaped the Beast (Vis. iv. 2.1). Once more, in the eighth Similitude various people are given rods ‘ by a glorious angel of the Lord, exceeding tall” These he presently examines. Then he commands crowns to be brought forth, ‘and he crowned the men who shewed up their rods with buds upon them and some fruit as well, and dismissed them to the Tower.’ Presently Hermas asks the Shepherd, “ Who are they that are crowned and go to the Tower?” and is told, “As many as wrestled against the devil and wrestled him down are crowned: these are they who suffered on behalf of the Name.” Similarly in the ninth Similitude those stones which come from the eleventh mountain, ‘where are trees full of fruits, adorned one tree with this fruit and another with that...are they who suffered for the name of the Son of God...they are all glorious with God...but they who suffered willingly, these are more exceeding glorious with the Lord: for their fruit it is that excelleth.’ Of such a company would Perpetua be with her golden apples going with glory to the Gate of Life.
When we come on to the Vision of Saturus the same phenomena
1 So in Herm. Vis. iv. 1. 5 the Beast comes with ‘a great dust, on which much stress is laid. —
32 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
meet us’. After death he finds himself together with Perpetua ‘being borne away by four Angels to the East: and their hand touched us not.’ Now at the close of Hermas’s first vision the Woman who represents the Church is carried away, as her chair had already been carried away, to the East. She is taken by the arms by two men who are afterwards described as Angels (Vis. i. 4. 3 jpav avtyy Tov ayxdvev Kal amndOav...1tpds tiv avatorjv). The emphasis on the method of carriage may perhaps be compared with the statement of Saturus, ‘But we went not on our backs heads downward (‘ibamus autem non supini sursum uersi’), but as though we were climbing a gentle slope.’ But perhaps this was suggested by the contrast with their position as they lay in the stocks (cf. c. viil.).
When Saturus and Perpetua reach the Garden above they are met by four more glorious Angels, and are bidden to ‘go in and salute the Lord” They come then to a place, ‘ whose walls were such, as though they were built of light: and before the door of that place stood four Angels, who clothed those who entered in with white robes.’
Now in the ninth Similitude of Hermas there stand around the gate of the Tower twelve Maidens: ‘but the four that stood at the corners seemed to me to be more glorious. It was the part of the Maidens to carry the stones through the Gate for the building of the Tower. Those and those only that were so brought in by the Maidens became white. Others retained their various colours, and had to be rejected (Sim. ix. 4). This is elaborated later on into wearing the vesture of the Maidens (Sim. ix. 13), ‘In no other way can a man be found in the kingdom of God, except they clothe him with their clothing’ So, returning to the first metaphor, we read (Sim. ix. 17. 4), ‘The building of the Tower became of one colour, bright as the Sun.’
The Martyrs found sitting within ‘a Man with white hair and a youthful countenance, whose feet we did not see’ (‘niueos habentem capillos et uultu iuuenili, cuius pedes non uidimus’’).
1 Some of the following details from the Vision of Saturus admit of explanation in connection with another source from which the main portion of his Vision seems
to come: see below, pp. 38 ff. 2 We may perhaps compare Herm. Vis. iii. 10.1 rodrwy 7d rpdcwmrov ovx eldov,
dre dtreaTpapmevor Hoay.
THE SHEPHERD OF HERMAS AND THE VISIONS. 33
To return once more to the fourth Vision of Hermas, the Church is there described as having white hair, as well as white robes and white shoes (Vis. iv. 2.1). And reference is made to the three preceding visions in which he had seen her in three successive forms (Vis. ii. 10): first, as very aged; secondly, with her countenance young, but her flesh and hair old (tHv pév dyuy vewtépay eiyev, x.T.r.); thirdly, as wholly young and beautiful, and only her hair old (An vewrépa Kai KadXrEL exrpeTectaTn, wovas Oé Tas Tpixas mpeaButépas eiyer).
In the vision of Saturus it would be easy to refer the white hair of the Lord to Apoc.i. 14; but this would not account for the strange addition ‘et uultu iuuenili, which however is accounted for at once if we may suppose a reminiscence of the Shepherd, where great stress is laid on the combination of newness and old- ness : see again Sim. ix. 12. 1 of the Rock and the Gate.
The ‘four Elders on His right and on His left,’ and the ‘many other elders behind them, in the vision of Saturus, may be com- pared with ‘the six men who presided over the Building, and walked with Him on the right and on the left,’ while there were ‘many other glorious ones round about Him’ (Herm. Sim. ix. 6. 2).
After they had kissed the Lord, the Elders bade them, “Go and play” (‘Ite et ludite’). Adding to this curious command the subsequent statement, ‘we were nourished with an unspeakable odour which satisfied us’ (‘ odore inenarrabili alebamur, qui nos satiabat’), we turn again to the Shepherd.
Hermas is left by the Shepherd under the care of the Maidens (Sim. ix. 10 f.. They treat him as their brother: ‘and she who seemed to be the first of them began to kiss me; and the others seeing her kissing me began to kiss me also, and to go round about the Tower and to play with me (aaifew per éuod). And I became as it were a young man and began myself to play ' with them.’ When the Shepherd returned the next morning he asked him had he supped. He replied “I supped on the words of the Lord all the night long” (é8eizrvnoa...ra pypata tod Kupiov OANY THY VUKTA).
Lastly, when they came out from the Presence they found ‘before the door Optatus the bishop on the right, and Aspasius the presbyter-teacher on the left, separated and sad. And they
R. 3
3o4 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
threw themselves at our feet and said to us, “ Make peace between us, for ye have gone forth and left us thus.”’ The angels presently interfere and say, “Let these refresh themselves: and if ye have any quarrels among yourselves, forgive one another”: and they say to Optatus, “Correct thy people (‘corrige plebem tuam’): for so do they come to thee, as if returning from the Circus and contend- ing about its factions.” The Greek version here omits the words ‘on the right, and so sets the bishop and the presbyter on the left hand outside the door. Mr Harris thinks that the Greek is justified by the statement in Herm. Vis. iii. 1. 9 that ‘the right hand is the place of others, those, to wit, who have already pleased God and have suffered for the Name.’ But the words ‘separated and sad’ seem to require the Latin form in its fulness. Nor is it probable that the right hand place of honour would have been ‘outside the door.’
But to the rebuke to the rulers of the Church for quarrelling there is more than one parallel in the Shepherd. Thus they are warned ‘lest their quarrellings rob them of their life. How will they chasten the Lord’s elect,’ if they be not at peace among themselves? (Vis. iii. 9. 7 viv ody tpiv rAéyw Tots Tponyoupévots THs éxxAnolas Kat Tots mpwroxadedpitats’...17Os vets madeverv OéreTe Tovs exrEKTOVS Kupiov, K.T.r.). Compare too the praise of those leaders of the Church, ‘who were always at harmony with themselves, and had peace among themselves, and hearkened to one another.’
T think that the instances which I have adduced are sufficient to establish a strong probability that the Martyrs were familiar with the Visions of Hermas. Evidence of this kind is cumulative ; and even if individual instances of comparison may seem fanciful and overstrained, yet when we recall at once Perpetua’s escape from the monstrous dragon by the help of the Name; her vision of the Man in a shepherd’s dress; the effort of Dinocrates to get at the water, and his subsequent release from punishment; the. promise of Pomponius and the beautiful shoes; the green bough with the golden apples, and the going with glory to the Gate of Life: and then the passage of Saturus and herself, borne by four angels to the East; the four more glorious angels who clothe them
w
THE SHEPHERD OF HERMAS AND THE VISIONS. 35
and take them in; the Man with the white hair and the youthful countenance; the kiss, and the command to go and play, and the unspeakable odour which took the place of food; the bishop and presbyter rebuked for their quarrellings—it is difficult to believe that all these details, some of which seem to cry for an explanation of some kind, are wholly independent of the striking parallels which are offered to us in the Shepherd of Hermas.
Hitherto our comparison has been made with the Greek original of the Shepherd of Hermas. It is worth while to bring together a few passages in the earlier Latin Version, which Har- nack assigns to the second century, where the language has points of correspondence with that of Perpetua and Saturus. The corre- spondence is often slight in itself, but it gains in importance when
considered in its context.
c. iv. Iam in magna dignatione es, tanta ut postules uisionem et ostend- atur tibi an...
Bene uenisti.
Tn habitu pastoris.
c. viii. Tune intellexi translatum eum esse de poena.
ce. x. Et facta sum masculus.
Efferens,..ramum uiridem in quo erant mala aurea.
c. xi, Coepimus ferri a quattuor angelis in Orientem, quorum manus nos non tangebat.
c. xii. Niueos habentem capillos et .
uultu iuuenili, cuius pedes non ui- dimus.
Osculati sumus illum...et dixerunt
nobis seniores: Ite et ludite.
c. xiii. Si quas habetis inter uos dissensiones, dimittite uobis inuicem.
Herm. Vis. iv. 1 Quia me dignum aestimauit ut ostenderet mihi mira- bilia sua.
Vis. iv. 2 Bene effugisti.
Mand. proem. Habitu pastorali.
Vis. iii. 7 Tune illis continget transferri de poenis.
Sim. ix. 11 Et uidebar mihi iunior factus esse.
Sim. viii. 2. 1 Alii afferebant uirgas suas uirides,
Vis. i. 4 Venerunt quatuor iuuenes et tulerunt cathedram ad Orientem... duo quidam uiri...sustulerunt illam humeris et abierunt, ubi et cathedra erat, ad Orientem.
Vis. tii. 10 Faciem quidem iu- uenilem habebat...capillos aniles.
Tbhid. (supra) Horum faciem non uidi.
Sim. ix. 11 Osculari me coepit... et ipsae coeperunt me ut fratrem osculari, et ducere circa turrim, et ludere mecum.
Vis. iii, 9 Pacem habete alius cum alio...et suscipite uos inuicem... ne forte hae dissensiones uestrae fraudent uitam uestram...Commonete ergo uos inuicem.
3—2
36 THE PASSION OF 8. PERPETUA.
These slight indications are perhaps scarcely sufficient to justify us in assuming, what is probable enough in itself, that the Martyrs used this early Latin version of the Shepherd; and it is quite possible that Perpetua may have known the book in the original Greek. The fact that the correspondence consists so much more in matters of detail than in points of language is just what we should expect if the visions are visions at all, and not literary creations of a later time. The reminiscences would primarily be those of incidents and situations; and the verbal coincidences would only come in by the way when the Visions were being related or written down. We may regard it then as fairly certain that the Shepherd of Hermas was in the hands of the African martyrs; and we may further regard it as quite conceivable that they read it in the early Latin version.
We know from Tertullian that arguments were drawn from the Shepherd in his day in matters both of Church practice and Church doctrine. He himself had a low opinion of the book*; but it was evidently appealed to by the Anti-Montanistic section of the African Church. And the present investigation shews that others, who to say the least display what are called Montanistic tendencies and sympathies, were no less attracted by its fascinating allegories, whatever they might have thought as to its teachings on certain controverted topics. So that here we have an addi- tional reason for believing that in the African Bible of the close of the second century, as in the Sinaitic Codex at a later period, the Shepherd of Hermas found a place at the close of the Canonical Books of the New Testament’.
1 T cannot see any sufficient ground for supposing, with Gebhardt and Harnack, Hermae Pastor, prolegg. pp. xlvii. ff., that Tertullian materially changed his view in regard to the Shepherd. In the passage De Orat. 16 he passes no judgment what- soever on the book, but merely meets by a common-sense reply an argument drawn from it as to the right posture in prayer. If he speaks of it as Scripture, this is only in a highly ironical sentence (‘Immo contra scripturam fecerit, si quis in cathedra aut subsellio sederit’), from which it is manifestly unfair to conclude that he himself regarded it at this time with as much reverence as his opponents evidently did.
2 For a full discussion of this point see the notes of Gebhardt and Harnack in ‘the place referred to in the preceding note.
THE APOCALYPSE OF PETER AND THE VISIONS. 37
The Influence of the Apocalypse of Peter on the Vision of Saturus.
In the History of Barlaam and Josaphat (Boissonade, pp. 280 ff, 360 ff.) we find two remarkable Visions, which present so many points of contact with the Vision of Saturus, that it will be desirable to quote them here somewhat fully. On the first occa- sion Josaphat, having been fiercely assailed by fleshly temptations, offers a prayer for protection: he then falls asleep and has the following Vision. “Opa éavroy vo tiwdv hoBepdv apraryévra, kat TéTous os ovdéTroTE EwpaKer OiedOovTa, Kal év Tivt yevopevov
f t ¢€ 7 v \ / 77 , ” peyiotyn Tedtads Wpaios avOect Kat Niav evddeot Kopwon, év0a ura péev éwpa wavTodara Kai TotKina, Kaptrois Eevois Ticl Kal Gavpactois BpiOovtra, ideivy Te ndictos Kal arpacAat ToOewwois. Ta Te PUANa TeV Sévdpav ALYyUpOY UInyer atpa Til NeTTOTAT
Pp yup 1X. Pe HE ” , ? ] , ,
Kab AKOpETTOV Kal YapleoTAaTHY ExTEWTOVTA EVMOlaY KLVOULEVA.... \ \ \ , x , t e . 9 a Thy Sé Oavpacrny TavTnv Kal peydrny medsadda ot hoBepol éxeivor U 3 XN 3 , > i 3 f XN la Stayayovtes avTov eis Wow Elonyayov appyT@ TLL AaTPOTHTE 3 I bd / \ “ \ 4 f Xx & atroatiiBovaay, éx ypvaolov pev Stavyods Ta Teiyn, NiOwy Sé av ovdels mwmoTe éwpaxe Tas éradrbes eyovcay aveynyepévas.... pas dvalev muKva Tals axtiot SsatTov Tacas avTAS Tas WNaTELAS émArpou' Kal vmdmTEpol TivES TTpPATLAL, AUTH ExaoTY Pos avoat, , > cA f v 3 a ’ , > t TavTy erednmouv, wédXos dOoveas Ako Bpoteia wndétoTe axova Ev. Kal hovns nrovae Neyovuans Av’TH 7 avatravats TOV Oixaiwor alty
n evhpocuvn TOY EevaperTHaavTMY TS Kupiy.
After this he is carried off reluctantly to see the torments of hell, and then he awakes. Long afterwards, on the death of Barlaam, he has another Vision, which is in fact a continuation of the first. Kai dpa tovs doBepovs avdpas éxeivovs, ods xal mpo- Tepov éwpaxet, éMOovTas mpos avTov, Kal arrayayovtas autor éis Ty peyioTnv Kab Oavpactny éxelvny medidda, Kal pos THY Se- Sofacpévny Kal UmepX\autTpov eioayayovTes TONY. cigEepyoméeve@
‘ ’ an \ i v4 ¢ f n oe / XN
dé avTo THY TUANHY ErEepoL UINVTOVY TOAD KaTHYAaiopévor Port, otepavous éyovtes ev yepoly appyt@ Stadaptovras Kade Kal oe 3 \ gas f 3 , 3 r \ rn otovs ofOarpol ovddérote Bpdtecor éOeacavto. épomévou dé Tod *Iwdcad’ Tivos of ctédavoe tis S6Ens of virepXNaptpo. ois Opa; Dos per 6 eis, ébyoar, KT. ele TadTa, Kal TOV Bapraap evOds eddnes BNETrELY, K.T.X.
38 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
The points which specially concern us are the angelic bearers who carry him to Paradise: the very great plain covered with flowers: the city shining with unspeakable brightness and with walls of transparent gold, which he finds when he has crossed the plain: the singing of the hosts of heaven. And, in the second part, the more glorious ones who meet him at the gate as he enters; and the recognition of his preceptor Barlaam. These coincidences are so striking that we feel at once that they must have some common source; and, as the Shepherd of Hermas offers us nothing to correspond to them, we naturally enquire whether any other early series of Visions with a somewhat similar sanction can with probability be supposed to have been current in the African Church.
Before entering upon this enquiry, we may notice a most remarkable coincidence which may be added to those already mentioned by the change of a single letter in the Latin text. Saturus sees ‘arbores rosae,’ and adds: ‘altitudo autem arborum erat in modum cypressi, quarum folia cadebant sine cessatione.’ These enormous rose-trees correspond well enough with the fragrant trees of Josaphat’s Vision. But why do their leaves ‘fall without ceasing’? No explanation of any kind has been offered of this extraordinary statement. In the Apocalypse of 8. John ‘the leaves of the tree are for the healing of the nations,’ but, in the passage of Ezekiel (xlvili. 12) from which this description is taken, it is expressly stated that their ‘leaf shall not fade’ In the Apocalypse of Moses (Tisch. 1866, p. 11) the leaves of all the trees in Paradise, except the fig-tree, fall off when Eve eats the forbidden fruit (catéppeov ra gvddra). This alone would be sufficient to condemn the reading ‘cadebant’ in the Vision of Saturus,
In Cod. C we find instead of it ‘ardebant’; but the united testimony of Codd. A and B and the Greek Version (caredépero) renders this reading impossible on textual grounds, even if it were in itself an improvement. Now in Josaphat’s Vision we read: Ta te @vAAa TaV Sévdpwv ALyupov vIrnyet, ‘the leaves of the trees made a tuneful sound. If we read ‘canebant,’ all is clear. The trees in heaven were always singing.
What support can we find elsewhere for such a statement ?
THE APOCALYPSE OF PETER AND THE VISIONS. 39
First, we may observe that to the Eastern mind there would be nothing strange in the conception. A few passages from the Old Testament may remind us of its frequency as a metaphor. ‘Then shall the trees of the wood sing out at the presence of the Lord’ (1 Chron. xvi. 33; cf Ps. xcvi. 12): ‘Break forth into singing, ye mountains, O forest, and every tree therein’ (Isa. xliv. 23; ef. lv. 12): ‘The desert shall rejoice and blossom as the rose: it shall blossom abundantly, and rejoice even with joy and singing’ (Isa. xxxv. 1, 2).
Again, in the longer recension of the Testament of Abraham’, not far from the beginning, as the Archangel Michael is going with Abraham to his house, a remarkable incident occurs: xara THS 000d éxelvys tatato Sévdpov Kumdpiccos’ Kal kata mpdotakw Tod Oeod éBoncev TO dSévOpov avOpwrivy wry, Kat eirev' “Arytos, aytos, dytos, KUpLOS 6 Oeds, 6 MpoTKaNovpevos avTOV ToOls ayaTracL avrov. It is at the least a strange coincidence that the singing trees of Saturus’s Vision grew ‘in modum cypressi’: and also that later on he hears ‘uocem unitain dicentem: Agios, agios, agios: sine cessatione.’ Moreover it may be noted that ‘sine cessatione’ is the phrase which he also has used of the trees”. In the latter part of his Vision he is clearly influenced partly by the Apocalypse of S. John and partly by liturgical formulae: and hence it is quite possible that in the original source the Ter Sanctus was actually the song of the trees of Paradise, though he has reserved it for the angelic hosts. If this be the case, possibly we may find here some clue to the extraordinary phrase in Jeremiah’s prayer in ‘the Rest of the Words of Baruch’®, c. ix.: ntvfaro evyny, Néyov" “Aros, dytos, dytos’ TO Ouplapa Tov SévSpav trav Cdvrov.
There is another passage in the Vision of Saturus where the text is clearly corrupt, and where the emendation which I would venture to propose derives a measure of support from Josaphat’s description. The words are, as commonly edited, ‘quattuor ili Angeli, qui gestabant nos, deposuerunt nos: et pedibus nostris transiuimus stadium wia lata. Here Codd. B and C(?) read ‘uia
1 To be published in the second volume of the present Series, by M. R. James, M.A., Fellow of King’s College.
2 See note ad loc. p. 81. 3 Edited by Prof. Rendel Harris (Cambridge, 1889), to whom I owe this reference.
40 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
lata’; and the Greek has cat 6é6v AaBovtes, which points to a similar reading, as far as ‘uia’ is concerned. But this gives no tolerable sense: and Cod. A has ‘uiolata.’ I would read ‘uiola- tum, and conceive the plain to have been ‘covered with violets.’ The word ‘uiolatus’ in a similar sense is found in Palladius, in Feb. 32: ‘conditum uel absinthiatum uel rosatum uel uiolatum!” This use however is so rare, that the word was extremely likely to suffer corruption at the hands of later scribes. But its restoration gives us an admirable sense, and harmonises well with the Vision itself and with the statement of Josaphat, weyiorn medvads wpaious avect Kai Nav evddect Komaan.
We must now proceed to our enquiry as to the common source of the details found in both Visions. The later Apocalypses, such as the Apocalypse of Esdras and the Vision of Paul, again and again present us with descriptions of Heaven and of Hell which are evidently derived from some earlier apocalyptic work which is now lost’. A comparison of their common materials leads us back with almost indisputable certainty to the lost Apocalypse of Peter. To establish this conclusion would be beyond our present scope : and I must content myself with bringing together here some points of contact between several of these works and the Visions of Saturus and Josaphat.
Apocalypse of Esdras (Tisch. 1866, p. 80) kal amnyayov pe of ayyedo Kata dvatoAas Kal Sov To dutoy THs Cons. Kat tov éxel Tor "Kvoy xat “Hriav cat Movon, «rr. Cf. Perpet. xi. coepimus ferri a quattuor Angelis in Orientem...ubi inuenimus Tocundum et Saturninum et Artaxium,’ &c.
p. 81 6 atépaves cot nroipactas. Cf. Barl. et Jos. (Boissonade, p. 360) Tivos of crépavor tijs SdEns of UTepNauTpoL, ods 69H; Dds pev O eis, Ebnoar, K.T.A.
Apocalypsis Pauli, p. 43 of &€ dyaOolt dyyedou of mapada- Bovres thv vpuyny tod Sixalov nomdcavto avTny &>s yveptpmov ovoav. Kai érropevOn ody avrois, cal €&7rOe TO mvedua cis amray- Thaw avTdv rAéyov' Aciipo, yuyy, eloedOe eis TOv TOTO, K.T.A.
1 For the word ‘ uiolatio’ cf. note ad loc. p. 81. 2 This subject has been investigated by Mr M. R. James, to whom I owe the suggestion that the Apocalypse of Peter is the ultimate source of all such descrip-
tions. I hope that he will publish the results of his investigations in a future number of this Series.
THE APOCALYPSE OF PETER AND THE VISIONS. 41
Cf. Perpet. xi. ‘alii quattuor Angeli clariores ceteris, qui, ubi uiderunt nos, honorem nobis dederunt, et dixerunt ceteris Angelis: Eece sunt, ecce sunt: cum admiratione.
p. 51 Kat iWov exe? Sévdpa Trappeyédn, x.7.r. p. 53 Kal cuv- — éxumrov avtois ta dévdpa. These last are fruitless trees, but are to be noted as displaying sympathy with certain souls. Cf. p. 64 cai idov éxet Sévdpov rrappeyéOn opatov, év 6 eraverraveto TO TrEdpa To dytov. We may also notice the following phrases: p. 63 xal iSov tovs KS mpecButépous...xal mavta wapexadouv tiv dd€av Tov Oeod’ p. 59 epdpuevov vd Teccapwv ayyéAwv orovoaias : and p. 65 é£e ety éx Tob xoopov, a phrase of frequent recurrence.
Apocalypse of Moses, p. 20 cat 7AOov eis Tov Tapddecoy, Kat exuwnOncav wavtTa Ta puta Tov Twapadbeicov, bs TavTas amd Tov "Addu yeyevynpévovs aio Tis evwdias vuatakat, ywpis Tod =O, x.7r Cf. Barl. and Jos. p. 280 cal dxopeotov Kai yaptecrarny éxrréTrovTa evwdiayv Kivovpeva.
Besides these Apocalypses there are other writings of a similar character such as the Vision of 8. Furseus (see the Bollandist Acts, January 16), from which might be adduced further coincidences with the details of our Visions. It is quite certain that the com- mon element in all of these—and it is to be traced in the descrip- tions of hell even more plainly than in those of Paradise—is derived from some early apocalyptic work which is no longer extant. It has been suggested above that this original source was the Apocalypse of Peter. Is there any ground for supposing that this work would be current in Africa and known to our Martyrs ?
The Apocalypse of Peter seems to be mentioned in the Mura- torian Fragment', where it immediately precedes the Shepherd of Hermas. The notice of it adds: ‘quam quidam ex nostris legi in ecclesia nolunt’: but this very statement implies that in some Churches it was read.
It is quoted by Clement of Alexandria, who, according to Eusebius, H. H. vi. 14. 1, commented in his Hypotyposes on all the Books of the New Testament, ‘not even omitting...the Epistle of Barnabas and the so-called Apocalypse of Peter.’
Eusebius himself (H. #. 111. 25. 4) classes it with the Shepherd of Hermas and other books which he rejects from the Canon: éy
1 See however Zahn Gesch. des N. LT. Kanons 1. pp. 105 fi.
42 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
Tois vobois KatateTayOw Kalb tév IlavaAov rpakeav 7 ypadn, o TE Aevyopevos Tlosunv, cat 4 ’Amroxaduyis Tlétpov, cat mpos TovToss % pepowevn BapvaBa émictody, kal Tév aTooTOA@Y ai Neyopevat dibayat.
The stichometry of the Codex Claromontanus of the Pauline Epistles closes with the Shepherd, the Acts of Paul and the Apocalypse of Peter. It is also included in the stichometry of Nicephorus. It is clear therefore that at one time it was bound up with copies of the New Testament, and was read in the public worship of some Churches. We have seen that this was probably the case with the Shepherd of Hermas in the early African Church. It is not unreasonable then to add to the African Bible of the second century the Apocalypse of Peter: in which case we should have in the Vision of Saturus a fresh illustration of a passage in Tertullian (De Anima 9, quoted below, p. 52) in which he speaks of the public reading of the Scriptures in the Church as affording materials for visions to a certain inspired sister.
Before we leave this subject I would call attention to some curious points of resemblance to the story of our Martyrs in the Symposium of 8S. Methodius. As the Apocalypse of Peter is directly quoted in another part of the same work (ii 6f.), these coincidences, if they are of any value, will be a fresh confirmation of the view taken above.
In viii. 2 we have the following description of the rewards of Virgins: ai O€ edarepor kai Kova eis Tov UTEpKdcpLoV TOTOV drepxvacat Tod Biov Kal iSovcat moppwbev & yun Erepos avOpoTrav ecacato, TOVS NELLBVAS avTovs THS adOapcias, Gunyava KadAH kat avOn hépovtas Kai meTANp@évous, K.T.A. GAA Kab El TES avtév Onpiots mupt BovrovTo Ta cbwata Tapadiddévat...daTe Soxely avtas év Koa pm Ovaas M7 Etvat €v KOTMO, K.T.A. Bev Kal TpaTat TOV GAwY META THY avaKdnoLW Kal THY évTEDOEV Exdn- piav ai 6p0as Kal mictas TapOevercacat TH YpLOT@ TA VEKT- THpLa pépovtat TOV AOAwD, Tois THS abOapcias avOect oTed- Ocicat mpos avTod’ ama yap TO Katareiwat Tov Kdcpmov Tas Wuxyds AOyos Tais TapOévots VTaVTa@VTAas ayyéXOUS peTa TOAAHS eUdnpias cis TOs TMpoepnpévous TapaTréuTE NeEt- Mevas avtds, KT.A. évTadOa 6) éXMovoas Savpacta Twa Oed- cacbat Kai éexddutpa...civa, yap Sévdpov cmppocivyns avis,
AUTHORSHIP OF THE VISIONS. 43
elvat ayamns, civat TvVETEwWS...at OE YoPEVoUTELY eupEeras yepai- povoat Tov Oeov, x.7.X. And lower down (viii. 4) we have: év to ovpave an Seidiaonte AoxavTa Kal EpedpevovTa Tov guy.
The references to the beasts and to the state of trance, and the last reference to the serpent that lies in wait, may perhaps be dismissed at once as merely coincidental. For we have no reason to suppose that 8. Methodius was acquainted with our Martyrdom itself But those introduced by the word Adryos evidently are derived from some apocalyptic source, and, though S. Methodius has worked his material up into Platonic form, we may well conjecture that the tradition to which he refers was derived from the Apocalypse of Peter’.
The Authorship of the Visions.
The Compiler of the Martyrdom distinctly states more than once that Perpetua and Saturus themselves wrote down their own Visions, whereas he in compliance with Perpetua’s wish added the narrative of their final sufferings. It is a fair question therefore to ask whether there are any traces of difference in style and composition between the portions said to have been written by Perpetua, Saturus and the redactor respectively. In so brief a document it would be hard to charge the redactor with falsifica- tion if no such traces were to be seen: but on the other hand their existence would confirm us in the belief that we had the actual words of the Martyrs themselves.
If we consider the distribution of adopted Greek words in the piece, we shall find that the most striking of them occur in the writing of Perpetua, who, as Saturus tells us, could speak Greek. Thus it is she who uses: machaera, draco, tegnon, catasta, horoma, diastema, phiala, agon, afa, psallere. Saturus uses stola and thronus (cf. Apoc. vil.), and hears the song of praise in heaven as Agios, agios, agios. He also hears Perpetua address the bishop Optatus as Papa. The redactor uses: catechumenus, psallere (as a, direct reminiscence of Perpetua’s use of it), agape, ecstasis, and scandalizemint (in quoting words of Perpetua). Now in the case
1 For parallels between the Acts of Thomas and Perpetua’s Vision of Dinoerates, see the notes on this Vision.
44 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
of Saturus and the redactor we find only words that were no doubt familiar Bible or Church phrases: but Perpetua’s words do not, for the most part, admit of the same explanation: and accord- ingly we are justified in reckoning them as evidence of indi- viduality of style in her portion of the narrative.
Moreover a close examination of the vocabulary and manner of what purports to be her writing leads us to the same result. Thus Perpetua uses ‘deicere’ three times In the sense of ‘to over- throw a person’s stedfastness’; but in the only place where the redactor employs it (c. xviii.) it has quite a different sense. Again ‘refrigero, in the intransitive sense of to refresh oneself, comes four times in Perpetua, once in Saturus, and twice in the redactor; but in the first of these cases he is quoting Perpetua’s word, and the second case immediately follows the quotation (c. xvi.). ‘Beneficio’ with a genitive occurs three times in Per- petua; ‘subito’ three times; ‘ostendi, of a vision, three times; ‘mirae magnitudinis’ three times; ‘coepi’ eleven times in Per- petua, three times in Saturus, and only once in the redactor.
The narrative of Perpetua, and the same is true of that of Saturus, is marked by extreme simplicity : it is eloquent indeed, but with no touch of conscious art or rhetoric. The narrative of the redactor is equally beautiful, but in a very different way: it is full of epigram and chastened rhetorical contrast.
The simplicity of Perpetua’s style is due to two principal causes : first the constant use of the simplest of conjunctions; and secondly the incessant repetition of the same words and phrases. | The first of these may be illustrated by an analysis which I have made of the use of the word ‘et’ throughout the whole piece. Perpetua employs it 152 times in 172 lines; Saturus 57 times in 52 lines; the redactor only 90 times in 170 lines’. That is, roughly speaking, Perpetua uses it nearly once in a line; Saturus still more frequently ; and the redactor only about once in two lines. Again, there are passages in Perpetua where, with her constant habit of repeating a word she has just used, she employs ‘tunc’ as her connecting particle again and again. The most conspicuous instance of this is in c. iii, where for 13 lines ‘et’ is almost banished, and we have ‘tunc’ four times, and three sentences
1 JT have eliminated from the calculation quotations from the New Testament.
AUTHORSHIP OF THE VISIONS. 45
are without any introductory conjunction. In Saturus we have ‘tunc’ only once, and that in a strong sense at the end of his Vision: and in the redactor ‘tunc’ occurs only once as a connect- ing particle.
The use of ‘ut’ absolutely is also worth noting in Perpetua; eg. ‘et factus est mihi carcer subito praetorium, ut ibi mallem essem quam alicubi’: and in three similar instances (c. 111, ut... laniaretur; c. x., ut excederet, ut...mitterem). Compare with this her use of ‘ita ut,’ c. vil. (bis).
These may seem trifling points; but we must remember that it is in the use of particles that we find the surest evidence of the sameness or difference of styles, where there is any room for the suspicion that a forger has been at work.
The second peculiarity which we have noted in Perpetua’s style is the repeated employment of the same words and phrases where a careful writer would have been at pains to vary his language.
Thus in ¢. ili., within the space of 9 lines we find ‘ paucis diebus, ‘in ipso spatio paucorum dierum, ‘post paucos dies’ and ‘ paucis horis’: in 10 lines we find ‘sollicitudine infantis’ (twice), ‘sollicita pro eo’ and ‘tales sollicitudines’; and the expression ‘sollicitudine infantis’ comes again inc. vi. In 13 lines we have ‘carcer’ five times; and in 10 lines ‘infans’ four times. We may note too the sentence, ‘Tabescebam ideo quod illos tabescere uideram mei beneficio. In c. iv., in 5 lines we have ‘scala’ five times; and in 6 lines ‘ascendere’ five times. We have moreover ‘ferra- mentorum...ferramentis’; and the characteristic sentence: ‘lente eiecit caput; et quasi primum gradum calcarem, calcaui uli caput.
In c. v. we read: ‘post paucos dies rumor cucurrit ut audi- remur’: with which we may compare c. vi.: ‘subito rapti sumus ut audiremur...rumor statim per uicinas fori partes cucurrit. We have also: ‘pater meus consumptus taedio,’ which recurs word for word in c.ix. In c.vi. we have a good example of repetition in the following sentences: ‘ Ht ego respondi: Non facio. Hilarianus, Christiana es? inquit. Ht ego respondi: Christiana sum. Et cum staret pater ad me deiciendam, iussus est ab Hilariano deicr, et uirga percussit. Et doluit mihi casus patris mei, quasi ego frissem percussa: sic dolut pro senecta eius misera.’ With the
46 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
last words compare c. v., ‘Et ego dolebam causam patris mei’; c. vii. ‘et dolui commemorata casus eius’; and c. ix., ‘Ego dole- bam pro infelici senecta eius.’
Inc. vii. we have: ‘ Erat deinde...ubi Dinocrates erat piscina plena aqua, alttorem marginem habens quam erat statura pueri; et extendebat se Dinocrates quasi bibiturus. Ego dolebam quod et piscina illa aguam habebat, et tamen propter altitudinem marginis bibttwrus non esset. Et experrecta sum, et cognoui fratrem meum laborare: sed fidebam me profuturam labori eius: et orabam pro eo omnibus diebus quousque transiuimus in carcerem castrensem. Munere enim castrensi eramus pugnaturi.’
In c. viii. we have ‘quem retro uideram, and ‘quam retro uideram.’
In c. x. we have ‘fautores mei’ three times: and im the last words of Perpetua’s writing: ‘Hoc usque in pridie muneris egt: ipsius autem muneris actum si quis uoluerit scribat.’
T think that after this detailed examination we are justified in saying that Perpetua has a distinct style of her own, which marks off her writing from that of the compiler of the Martyrdom. The absence of glaring instances of ‘ Africanism’ in what she has written is only what we should expect, when we remember that it is edited for us by a writer of unusual literary ability and of cultured style. We may well believe that the rougher phrases have been smoothed away.
When we turn to the Vision of Saturus we have much less material for comparison; but even here a fair case may be made out for individuality of authorship. We have already noticed the extraordinary frequency with which he couples his sentences by the simple conjunction ‘et.’ We may further observe that he has phrases more than once which are not found elsewhere in the piece. Thus he gives us ‘tale fuit quasi’ twice (c. xi.), and ‘tales erant quasi’ (c. xil.): ‘sic quasi’ twice: ‘cum admiratione’ twice: ‘sine cessatione’ twice (but this occurs also once in Perpetua): ‘exire’ in the sense of ‘mori’ three times. Moreover he uses ‘dixi, dixit, dixerunt’ eleven times, never varying the word, whereas Perpetua has also ‘inquit’ and ‘respondi.’ So too he uses ‘uiridarium’ three times for a garden, while Perpetua uses ‘hortus, Considering then that we have only 52 lines of his
AUTHORSHIP OF THE REST OF THE MARTYRDOM. AT
writing, the evidence is much fuller than we had a right to expect.
When we now return to the Greek form of the Martyrdom, we find that these peculiarities of style are entirely obliterated; and thus we are supplied with a fresh and most powerful argument on behalf of the originality of the Latin document as a whole.
The Authorship of the rest of the Martyrdom.
If the evidence which I have adduced is sufficient to establish a real difference of style between the writers of the Visions and the redactor who edits them and supplements them with an account of the actual Martyrdom, no one, I suppose, will hesitate for a moment to leave the authorship of the Visions with the Martyrs themselves.
Ts it possible also to identify the redactor? I believe that it is. It has been several times suggested that the whole character of the composition points to Tertullian as its author. Holsten, the first editor of the Martyrdom, although he does not anywhere suggest that Tertullian was its author, yet takes pains to collect from his writings many illustrations both of matter and of vocabu- lary.
It must always be difficult and hazardous to attempt to assign a work to a particular author, when there is no tradition con- necting it with his name. But I can scarcely conceive that any instance could be found in which identification can be made with a greater probability than is attainable in the present case.
I shall begin by examining the Scriptural quotations in the piece, and then pass on to parallels of thought and diction be- tween our author and Tertullian, and finally bring together some of the more important coincidences in vocabulary.
First, let us examine the way in which the redactor quotes the New Testament. The first citation is in the Preface, and comes from Acts ii. 17. ‘In nouissimis enim diebus, dicit Dominus, effundam de Spiritu meo super omnem carnem, et prophetabunt filii filiaeque eorum; et super seruos et ancillas meas de meo
Spiritu effundam ; et iuuenes uisiones uidebunt et senes somnia
48 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
somniabunt.’ The reading ‘eorum’ suggests a comparison of the rendering of this passage in the Latin of Codex Bezae. I have also given the Vulgate version, italicising its divergences.
Copex BrEzar.
Erit in nouissimis diebus, dicit Dominus, effundam Spiritum meum super omnem carnem, et prophetabunt fili eorum et filias eorum ; et iuuenes uisiones uidebunt et seniores somnia somniabunt; et ego super seruos meos
VULGATE,
Et erit in nouissimis diebus, dicit Dominus, effundam de Spzritwu meo super omnem carnem, et prophetabunt filii westr? et filiae westrae; et iuuenes uestv? uisiones uidebunt et seniores uestrt somnia somniabunt ; et quidem
et super ancillas meas effundam Spiri- tum meum.
super seruos meos et super ancillas meas 27 diebus tllis effundam de Spiritu meo, et prophetabunt.
It will be seen that most of the peculiarities in our quotation are explained by supposing the currency in Africa in the second century of a text closely related to that of Codex Bezae. But there still remains the curious disarrangement of the sentences, which seems to be an idiosyncrasy of the writer himself. Now it is remarkable that Tertullian (Adv. Marc. v. 8) quotes the passage thus: ‘In nouissimis diebus effundam de meo Spiritu in omnem carnem, et prophetabunt filii filiaeque eorum; et super seruos et ancillas meas de meo Spiritu effundam.’ Here we have the same displacement, as far as the quotation extends, and the same variants in the text’.
A little later in the Preface we find these words: ‘Et nos itaque quod audiuimus” et contrectauimus annuntiamus et uobis, fratres et filioli, ut et uos qui interfuistis rememoremini gloriae Domini, et qui nunc cognoscitis per auditum communionem habeatis cum sanctis martyribus,’ &c.
In this passage we have the language of two verses worked up somewhat confusedly. They stand in the Vulgate thus:
1 Cf. Tert. De Resurr. 63, ‘ Hffundens in nouissimis diebus de suo Spiritu in omnem carnem, in seruos suos et ancillas.’
2 Possibly ‘et uidimus’ has fallen out after ‘ audiuimus’; for the Greek version of the Martyrdom has & jKovcaper Kal Ewpdxapev kal évyradjoauev. With the order which we should thus get Cod. Sinaiticus corresponds, reading, apparently against all other Greek MSS., ¢ dxyxéapev kal ewpdxapyev. It is also to be noted that the Latin of the Martyrdom, though not the Greek, has the true reading ‘et uobis.’
AUTHORSHIP OF THE REST OF THE MARTYRDOM. 49
1 Jno. i. 1. ‘Quod fuit ab initio, quod audiuimus, quod uidimus oculis nostris, quod perspeximus, et manus nostrae contrectauerunt de uerbo uitae.’
1 Jno. i. 3. ‘Quod uidimus et audiuimus, annunciamus uobis, ut et wos societatem habeatis nobiscum.’
The most curious result of this combination is ‘ contrectauimus’ (1 pers. plur.), which cannot be explained from any MSS. or Versions. But we find it in Tertullian (Adv. Prax. 15): ‘Vidimus et audiuimus et contrectauimus de sermone uitae,’ which is a loose citation of 1 Jno. i. 1, which he has quoted somewhat more accurately a little before. Here then we seem to have another example of the way in which an individual writer may have a habit of his own in quoting a special text.
The next quotation is inc. xix. ‘Sed qui dixerat, Petite et acci- pietis, petentibus dederat eum exitum quem quisque desiderauerat.’ The actual phrase is found in Jno. xvi. 24 ‘ Petite et accipietis, ut gaudium uestrum sit plenum. But the more natural text to have quoted would have been ‘ Petite et dabitur uobis’ (Mt. vii. 7, Le. xi. 9), and that passage was probably in the writer’s mind when he added ‘petentibus dedit,’ which 1s parallel to ‘ pulsanti aperietur’ in 8. Matthew and 8. Luke.
Now this same confusion is to be traced in more than one passage of Tertullian. Thus we read (De Orat. 10) ‘Dominus, prospector humanarum necessitatum, seorsum post traditam orandi disciplinam: Petite, inquit, et accipietis’; where he certainly ought to have written ‘et dabitur uobis. Again (De Bapt. 20): ‘Petite et accipietis, inquit. Quaesistis enim et inuenistis; pul- sastis et apertum est uobis. Again after combating the Mar- cionist use of ‘Quaerite et inuenietis’ (De Praescr. 8) he goes on to quote, ‘Pulsate et aperietur uobis, and later on in the same chapter, ‘ Petite et accipietis’: and in c. 11 he loosely quotes the next sentences thus: ‘Petenti enim dabitur, inquit, et pulsanti aperietur, et quaerenti inuenietur.’
The same confusion is to be found several times in 8S. Augustine’s writings (see Sabatier, ad loca): so that we are not justified in laying stress on it as an idiosyncrasy of Tertullian. The confusion is an easy one: but it is apparently not to be accounted for by any known Version, and the fact that it is made both by our
R. 4
50 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
author and by Tertullian is certainly an interesting coincidence, and one which acquires importance when added to those already mentioned.
The next instance I shall give is from the Epilogue. It does not, strictly speaking, contain a quotation though it involves a reference to Mt. xxi. 14 and perhaps also to Rev. xvii. 14; but it may serve as a point of passage from the consideration of Scriptural citations to other instances in which we find parallels between our author and Tertullian. We read at the close of the narration of their sufferings: ‘O fortissimi ac beatissimi Martyres! O uere uocati et electi in gloriam Domini nostri Iesu Christi; quam qui magnificat et honorificat et adorat, utique et haec non minora ueteribus exempla in aedificationem Kcclesiae legere debet.’
The first point to notice is that ‘the glory of the Lord’ is regarded as the great end of Martyrdoms, and is set forward by their public recital in the Church. The same thought is twice expressed in the Preface: ‘necessario et digerimus et ad gloriam Dei lectione celebramus’; and, in a passage cited above, ‘annun- tiamus et uobis...ut et uos qui interfuistis rememoremini gloriae Domini.’
Now when Tertullian discusses Flight in Persecution, he takes the high ground that Persecution is a dispensation of God for judging the Church and shewing who are truly His. And the great end of Persecution is found to be ‘the glory of God’: De Fug. 1: ‘Totum quod agitur in persecutione gloria Dei est, probantis et reprobantis, imponentis et deponentis. In c. 9 he says: ‘nolite in lectulis...optare exire, sed in martyriis, uti glorificetur qui est passus pro nobis. Again (c. 12) he asks, if Christians may escape by the payment of a bribe, ‘quomodo et martyria fierl possent in gloriam Domini?’
At the close of the book (c. 14) after admitting the hardness of its sayings and yet insisting on fearlessness as the true sign of love, he says: ‘Et ideo multi uocati, pauci electi.” The whole line of thought is closely parallel to the words of our author about the Martyrs, who were not only called but chosen to the glory of our Lord.
An interesting parallel in thought rather than in words is to be found in the Preface. After speaking of the Divine grace
AUTHORSHIP OF THE REST OF THE MARTYRDOM. 51
displayed in his own day in Martyrs and in Revelations, he adds: ‘Cum semper Deus operetur quae repromisit, non credentibus in testimonium, credentibus in beneficium.’ Tertullian (De Anima 51) tells of a Christian girl, ‘uernacula ecclesiae, who had died and-was laid out for burial, but who, when the priest began to say a prayer over her, raised her hands from her side and folded them in the form of a cross on her breast, and afterwards, ‘condita pace’ (i.e. when the kiss of peace had been given to conclude the prayer), returned them to their former position. This he vouches for of his own knowledge: similar facts he has heard related. Then he adds, ‘Si et apud ethnicos tale quid traditur, ubique Deus potestatis suae signa proponit, suis in solatium, extraneis in testimonium.’ The thought is precisely the same, and the two sentences though so differently worded are almost interchangeable.
On the other hand in c. xx. we have a parallel in words rather than in sense. When Perpetua has been tossed by the mad cow, her only care is to rearrange her torn robe, ‘pudoris potius memor quam doloris.’ In Tertullian (De Paenit. 10) we read of some who put off the open confession of their sins—‘ pudoris magis memores quam salutis.’
The distinctly Montanistic tone of the Martyrdom may be illustrated by two facts in the history of its transmission. The first of these has already been noticed (p. 6): the Greek trans- lator has carefully modified passages which he regarded as un- satisfactory on this ground; and especially the closing section of the piece. A similar fate has awaited the document in the West: for both Cod. Salisburg. and Cod. Compend. have omitted the whole of the Preface, and the Short Latin recension has nothing to correspond to it at all. Accordingly it has only been preserved in the Monte Cassino MS., and in a modified form in the Greek Version.
Now this Montanistic tone, using the expression in its best sense, as connoting the emphasis laid on the present work of the Holy Spirit in the Church and especially in Martyrdoms, is just what we should look for in a work of Tertullian. It is needless +o multiply quotations on this point: but I cannot forbear quoting two passages out of many. The first is at the outset of his exhor- tation to the Martyrs in prison: ‘ Imprimis ergo, benedicti, nolite
4—2
52 THE PASSION OF 8S. PERPETUA.
contristare Spiritum Sanctum, qui uobiscum introiit carcerem. Si enim non uobiscum nunc introisset, nec uos illic hodie fuissetis’ (Ad Mart. 1). We may note in passing that our redactor also applies the epithet ‘benedictus’ to a martyr (c. xi. ‘Saturus benedictus’). The other passage is from the De Corona: ‘Plane superest, ut etiam martyria recusare meditentur, qui prophetias eiusdem Spiritus Sancti respuerunt’ (De Cor. 1).
We have the technical phraseology of Montanism in c. xx., where ‘adeo in Spiritu et in ecstasi fuerat’ may be compared with, the striking passage in De Anima 9, which gives an interesting illustration of the materials out of which visions were formed and so far bears out our view of the use made by our Martyrs of the Shepherd of Hermas, which no doubt they had heard read in the Church. ‘Est hodie soror apud nos reuelationum charismata sortita, quas in ecclesia inter dominica sollemnia per ecstasin in Spiritu patitur; conuersatur cum angelis, aliquando etiam cum Domino, et uidet et audit sacramenta, et quorundam corda dinoscit, et medicinas desiderantibus submittit. Iam uero prout scripturae leguntur aut psalmi canuntur aut allocutiones proferuntur aut petitiones delegantur, ita inde matertae uisionibus subminis- trantur.’
Again, it is interesting to observe the number of expressions which suggest that the writer is familiarly conversant with the phraseology of Roman law, and so form a fresh link with the style of Tertullian. To pass over such commoner words as ‘exempla’ (bis), ‘documentum’ (bis), ‘testificari’ (bis), ‘testimonium’ (bis), ‘haereditas, we find the rarer word ‘fideicommissum, which is seldom met with outside the law books, in the striking metaphor of c xvi. ‘quasi mandatum sanctissimae Perpetuae, immo _fider- commissum elus exequimur, unum adicientes documentum de ipsius constantia et animi sublimitate. The word implies a sacred trust of moral rather than of legal obligation. ‘ Midei- commissum est quod non ciuilibus uerbis sed precatione relinquitur; nec ex rigore luris ciuilis proficiscitur, sed ex uoluntate datur relinquentis’ (Ulpian. Frag. 25, 1). Again, if Tertullian be the author it is curious to see how he can turn the edge of his own favourite argument from ‘prescription’ when used against himself, and that too in words every one of which can easily be paralleled
AUTHORSHIP OF THE REST OF THE MARTYRDOM. 53
from his writings. Compare c.1i.‘ Vel quia et haec uetera fntura quandoque sunt et necessaria posteris, si in praesenti suo tempore minori deputantur auctoritati, propter praesumptam uenerationem antiquitatis’; with Apol. 19, ‘auctoritatem summa antiquitas uindicat’; and De Virg. Vel. 2, ‘sed nolo interim hunc morem ueritati deputare. Lastly, we may note the word ‘instrumentum’ in one of the various senses in which Tertullian loves to use it; c. i. ‘ad instrumentum Kcclesiae deputamus’: compare especially De Cor. 8, ‘per communia ista instrumenta exhibitionis humanae’; and for other examples both of this word and of ‘deputari’ see Holsten’s note on Perpet. c. 1.
Two phrases which, although they occur in earlier Latin writers, are conspicuously characteristic of Tertullian are also to be found in our author. The first of these is ‘uiderit,’ ‘let him see to it, in dismissing somewhat contemptuously an opponent with whom it is not worth while to argue. Thus in c. i. we have: ‘Sed uiderint qui unam uirtutem...’; of those who deny the variety of the Spirit's manifestations in all ages of the Church. Compare Ad Scap. 4, ‘ Viderint qui sectam mentiuntur, and see Oehler’s note on De Cor. 13, where many examples are collected. The second is the absolute use of ‘si forte,’ in the sense of ‘if at all’; compare c. xviii. ‘si forte, gaudio pauentes, non timore, with Ad Mart. i. ad fin., and see Oehler’s note on De Cor. 5.
Our enquiry is rendered more difficult by the want of any piece of sustained historical narration in Tertullian’s recognised works, which might have given us an opportunity of observing his method of telling a plain straightforward story. Wherever we open him we feel that we meet with the rhetorician, passionately in earnest but always pleading a cause. On the other hand, even in our short and simple narrative we have touches of rhetoric which form a strong contrast to the quiet naturalness of Perpetua’s own style. These come out from time to time in the narrator’s com- ments on the incidents which he relates. Thus, at the very outset of his own narration, in speaking of the death of Secundulus in prison he makes the remark: ‘non sine gratia, ut bestias lucraretur. gladium tamen etsi non anima, certe caro elus agnouit*.’ With this special use of ‘lucrari’ we may compare De Res. 42: ‘Quis
1 See the notes on this passage, pp. 82 f.
54 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
enim non desiderabit dum in carne est, superinduere immortali- tatem et continuare uitam lucrifacta morte per uicariam demuta- tionem ?’ With the second clause compare Ad Mart. 4: ‘'Timebit forsitan caro gladium,’ &c.; and later on in the same chapter: ‘Orna- mentum enim et gloria deputabitur maiore quidem titulo, si anima potius cesserit plagis, quam corpus.’
The same characteristic is observable as the narrative proceeds, and it is specially to be noticed in the rhetorical contrasts employed in speaking of Felicitas, in c. xvill.: ‘Saluam se peperisse gaudens ut ad bestias pugnaret, a sanguine in sanguinem, ab obstetrice ad retiarium, lotura post partum baptismo secundo.’ The Second Baptism, to which our author again rhetorically alludes in c. xxi, is so frequently spoken of by Tertullian that it would be super- fluous to collect illustrations of 1t?.
IT cannot help quoting in this connection the epigrammatic comment, ‘Agnouit iniustitia iustitiam, which is rendered the more striking by the use of the rare word ‘iniustitia.’ The com- ment on the eagerness of Saturninus to be exposed to all the beasts, ‘ut scilicet gloriosiorem gestaret coronam,’ may be com- pared with Ad Scap. 4: ‘sed maiora certamina, maiora praemia.’ That on the provision of a mad cow contrary to custom in the arena, ‘diabolus praeparauit, sexui earum etiam de bestia aemu- latus, is curiously parallel to the opening sentence of the treatise Adv. Praxean: ‘ Varie diabolus aemulatus est ueritatem.’
The play upon words in c. xxi, to which we have already alluded (p. 8), where the author puts a new and unexpected meaning into the taunting shout of the multitude in the amphi- theatre, is very like Tertullian’s irony in Ad Scap. 3: ‘Cum de areis sepulturarum nostrarum adclamassent: Areae non sint! areae ipsorum non fuerunt.’
At last the orator breaks out in the noble peroration: ‘O fortissimi ac beatissimi Martyres! O uere uocati et electi in gloriam Domini nostri Jesu Christi!’ The second of these clauses has been already illustrated from Tertullian (p. 50), and we may add to the passages there quoted De Bapt. 16, where we have the same words applied to Martyrs in speaking of the Second Baptism: ‘ proinde nos facere aqua uocatos, sanguine electos.’ It is interest-
1 Cf, Oehler on Apol. 50.
AUTHORSHIP OF THE REST OF THE MARTYRDOM. 55
ing also to note that ‘fortissima Martyr’ is the very epithet applied to Perpetua in De Anima 55°.
I must now close this investigation with a few parallels of words and phrases, given in the briefest possible form. JI do not of course pretend that they are peculiar to our author and Tertullian, or that they would prove anything by themselves; but they are useful as supplementary evidence of the harmony of lan- guage and thought which we have already found to exist between them. I need scarcely acknowledge my indebtedness to Oehler’s valuable Index, and to Rénsch’s [tala und Vulgata.
ci, St uetera fider exempla, &e. (cf. c. xxi. haec non minora ueteribus exenrplis).
De Fuga 2. Exempla in seripturis signata demonstrant (e.g. Saul, Phygellus and Hermogenes). Ibid. 3. Cum ergo et haec exempla magis in persecutionibus eueniant.
In literis sunt digesta...digerantur...necessario et digerumus.
Ad Natt, ii. 1. Ex omnibus retro digestis (and Oehler’s note : ‘digerere et digestum Tertulliano usitatissima sunt uocabula’). De Bapt. 1. Non erit otiosum digestum istud, instruens tam eos, &c. (In the Classical use of these words the idea of. orderly arrangement generally prevails.)
Quasi repraesentatione rerum.
De Jejun. 13. Ipsa repraesentatio totius nominis Christiani (of a Universal Council). De Praescr. 36. Ipsae authenticae litterae eorum (sc. apostolorum) recitantur, sonantes uocem et repraesentantes faclem uniuscuiusque (where the general sense is the same as here). Cf. also De Res. 17.
Pro aetatibus temporum...in ultima saecult spatia.
Adv. Jud. 1. Noster uero minor aetate temporum intellegatur, utpote in ultimo saeculi spatio, &e.
Nowissimiora. Cf. Tertullian’s forms, ‘extremior, ‘extremis-
1 ¢ Quomodo Perpetua fortissima Martyr sub die passionis in reuelatione para- disi solos illic commartyres suos uidit,’ &c. Tertullian has been accused of a mistake in this passage, which he could scarcely have made had he been himself the editor of the Visions: namely, that of confounding the Vision of Saturus with that of Perpetua. But, in truth, he is strictly correct: for Saturus saw others beside Martyrs in Paradise: whereas Perpetua speaks only of the ‘ candidati milia multa’ in the Garden at the top of the Ladder: and these obviously were ‘ only fellow-martyrs.’
56 THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
simus,’ ‘postremissimus’; and Ronsch, [. und V., 278, 280, where instances are given from other writers of these provincial formations.
Omma donatiua administrans in omnibus.
Adv. Marc. 8. Donatiua, quae charismata dicimus.
De Res. 47. ‘Donatiuum autem Dei uita aeterna.,
Siue in martyrum siue in reuelationum dignatione.
Adv. Iud. 1. Per gratiam primae dignationis in lege...gratiam diuinae dignationis consequitur.
De Patient. 11. Gratulari et gaudere nos docet dignatione diuinae castigationis (cf. c. xviii. ad fin., of our Martyrdom),
c. xvi. Ad supplementum tantae gloriae describendae.
Adv. Marc. iv. 16. Plane haec Christus adiecerit ut supple- menta consentanea disciplinae Creatoris. Cf. De Anima, 35.
ce. xvi. Pridie quoque cum tllam cenam ultumam, quam liberam uocant, quantum in ipsis erat non cenam liberam, sed agapen cena- rent.
Apol. 42. Non in publico Liberalibus discumbo, quod bestiariis supremam cenantibus mos est.
Tbid. 39 (in reference to the ‘agape’). Vt qui non tam cenam cenauerint quam disciplinam.
c. xx. Ad uelamentum femoris reduait.
De Fuga, 6. Ad uelamentum timiditatis suae utuntur.
Apol. 36. Ad uelamentum sui potest fungi.
Adv. Val. 16. Velamentum sibi obduxit. (The word is not a common one, and its use in classical writers is quite different.)
ce. xxi. Ad sumumam.
Adv. Mare. v.17. Ad summam subiungens.
Ante tam osculati inuicem, ut martyrium per solemma pacis consummarent,
De Orat. 18. Quae oratio cum diuortio sancti osculi integra?... Quale sacrificium est a quo sine pace receditur ?
This investigation might doubtless be carried further by one who had a more intimate acquaintance with the writings of Tertullian than my cursory reading allows me to claim: but I cherish the hope that I have done enough to render it in the highest degree probable that we have in this beautiful Martyr-
AUTHORSHIP OF THE REST OF THE MARTYRDOM. 57
dom a genuine addition to the hitherto recognised works of the great master. It is hard indeed to force oneself to imagine another such writer, living at the same time and in the same Church, filled with the same Montanistic fervour, delighting in the same legal phraseology, able to wield the same passionate rhetoric to the same good purposes, even making the same confusions in his Scriptural quotations; who yet must be distinguished from Tertullian himself; and that, forsooth, only because tradition has assigned to him no name.
An argument of this kind will appeal with different degrees of force to different minds. I would beg any one who desires to estimate it fairly to read over again Tertullian’s De Patientia, and to ask himself whether it does not gain a new meaning and beauty if we suppose that its author had already written the story of Perpetua. I would especially call attention to the following passages :
ce 7. Nihil enim nostrum, quoniam Dei omnia, culus ipsi quoque nos.
Quis enim ab alio secari omnino non sustinens ipse ferrum in corpore suo ducit ?
ce. 9. Christum laedimus cum euocatos quosque ab illo quasi miserandos non aequanimiter accipimus.
c. 10. Nos utres (v. . putres), uasa fictilia.
c. 11. Quin insuper gratulari et gaudere nos docet dignatione diuinae castigationis.
c. 13. Carnis patientia in persecutionibus denique proeliatur... si et carcer praeueniat, caro in uinculis, caro in ligno, caro in solo et in illa paupertate lucis, et in illa patientia (v. J. penuria) mundi, cum uero producitur ad experimentum felicitatis, ad occasionem secundae intinctionis, ad ipsum diuinae sedis ascensum, nulla plus illic quam patientia corporis.
Almost every phrase here quoted has its parallel, in thought if not in word, in our Martyrdom: and many smaller coincidences might be collected. But the whole feeling of the piece is of more importance than its phraseology. Patience, he tells us at the close (c. 15), ‘temptationes inculcat, scandala pellit, martyria consum- mat.’ And then he draws her portrait; and did he not draw it from the life? Was he not thinking of her whose one prayer at
58 THE PASSION OF 8. PERPETUA.
her baptism had been at the Spirit’s bidding for this very Patience? Had he not in view the scene in the amphitheatre where the Martyrs shake their heads at the judge whom God will judge: and the noble picture of Perpetua herself, ‘the bride of Christ, the darling of God,’ with her bright step and flashing eye, soon to find herself enjoying in the Spirit the beatific vision before the time, and only recalled to earth to taste of pain and to point the clumsy sword to her own throat?
‘Age iam si et effigiem habitumque eius comprehendamus. Vultus illi tranquillus et placidus, frons pura, nulla maeroris aut irae rugositate contracta ; remissa aeque in laetum modum super- cilia, eculis humilitate non infelicitate deiectis; os tacurnitatis honore signatum ; color qualis securis et Innoxiis; motus frequens capitis in diabolum et minax risus; ceterum amictus circum pectora candidus, et corpori impressus, ut qui nec inflatur nec inquietatur: sedet enim in throno Spiritus eius mitissimi et mansuetissimi, qui non turbine glomeratur, non nubilo liuet, sed est tenerae sereni- tatis, apertus et simplex, quem tertio uidit Helias. Nam ubi Deus, ibi et alumna eius, patientia scilicet. Cum ergo Spiritus Dei descendit, indiuidua patientia comitatur eum.’
THE LATIN AND GREEK TEXTS
OF THE
PASSION OF S. PERPETUA.
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
I. Si uetera fidei exempla, et Dei gratiam testificantia et aedificationem hominis operantia, propterea in litteris sunt digesta, ut lectione eorum quasi repraesentatione rerum et Deus honoretur et homo confortetur; cur non et noua documenta
saeque utrique causae conuenientia et digerantur ?
uel quia
proinde et haec uetera futura quandoque sunt et necessaria pos- teris, si in praesenti suo tempore minori deputantur auctoritati,
propter praesumptam uenerationem antiquitatis.
sed uiderint
qui unam uirtutem Spiritus unius Sancti pro aetatibus iudicent 1o temporum: cum maiora reputanda sunt nouitiora quaeque ut nouissimiora, secundum exuperationem gratiae in ultima saeculi
spatia decretam. In nowissimis enim diebus, dictt Dominus, Act. ii. efundam de Spiritu meo super omnem carnem, et prophetabun
fil filiaeque eorum: et super seruos et ancillas meas de meo
Deest titulus in A.
INCIPIT PASSIO SCAE FELICITATIS ET PERPETVAE B;
PASSIO
SS. FAELICITATIS ET PERPETVAE, QVOD EST NONIS MARTIIS IN CIVITATE TURBITANA ©
1 Deest cap. I. in BC repensatione A
1 Dei gratiam testificantia] Cf. Act. xx. 24 testificari euangelium gratiae Dei. 3 repraesentatione] See above p. 9.
4 et homo confortetur] The Greek has lost this clause: but probably it origin- ally had it; and, if so, we should read below éxarépay épyagéueva wpédrerav.
8 sed uiderint] See above p. 53. Those are blamed who limit the manifestations of the Spirit’s working: with ‘unam’ contrast ‘ceteras,’ p. 62, 1. 3.
10 cum...sunt] The use of ‘cum’ with
2 aedificatione A 12 decretam] decreta A
3 repraesentatione] coni. Harris;.
indic. in a causal sense is found in early Latin writers, and is very common in African Latin: see Oehler on Tert. Apol. 1 (note n). There is no need to read ‘sint’ with Holsten. ,
11 nouissimiora] See above p. 55; and add ‘postremissimas’ (C. Gracchus, in Wordsworth’s Fragments and Speci- mens of early Latin p. 354). See also Rénsch [tala und Vulgata pp. 277 ff.
12 decretam] The Greek suggests either this or perhaps ‘decretae,’ instead of the
i 17.
MAPTYPION TIEPTIETOYAC.
Mapruptov tijs ayias Ileprerovas kal rav ov airy teAcwbévtwv év a nA \ , nx ‘4 2 i4
Adpixy’ TH mp0 Tecoapwv vovav Pevpovapiwy. EvAoynuor.
3 \ 3 t \ “ XN > £ > @ 3
Emi Ovarepsavou cai Tadinvod dimypos éyévero, év @ éwap-
f eg , A € U ,
TUpnoav of dyLor YaTupos, VaToupviros, ‘Peouvxdros, Lepzrerova, Pyrxnrarn, vovats Pevpovapiass.
I. Ei td radata ths miatews Soypata, kal Sd€av Geod
tm
a \ b] \ 3 / > n X\ fal , gavepovvta Kal oixodouny avOpwrois atotedodvTa, Oia TovTO a > n ¢ “ nn éorTiv yeypappéva, iva TH avayvocel avTav ws Tapovoia Tov ; , \ ¢ \ a s \ XN N \ mTpaypatov ypeouela Kai 6 Oeds So£ac07, Siati pn Kal Ta Kava 7 a \ € U > , > I ¢ , mapadeiypata, ate 61 éxatepa épyalopeva wdérevay, Waa’TaS 10 a 3 N \ na 4 >? \ ? -ypabn mapadobein; 7) yap Ta viv mpaxyéevta ov THY avTHY ~ 5 ‘ 3 nn / mappynoiav éyet, éret Soxet mws eivat Ta apyata cemvorepa; n 4 , € f “ TAY Kab TadTa VoTEpoy ToTE yevoueva TrahaLa, Woa’Tws Tots bd ¢€ fal / \ > n \ ‘4 3 > Wv pe? nds yevyoetat Kal avayKaia Kat Tita. adr owrrat e , , \ olriwves play Svvapiv évds aylov wvevpaTos Kata Tas nALKias n , f \ , Bd n Kpivovat TOV yYpoverv’ OTe Sy dSuvaTwrepa EdeL voeicOar Ta
_ en
Kasvotepa, os éyovra avEavopévns THs YapiTos THS eis TA TEXAN TaY Kalpov émnyyedpévns. “En écydtaic yap rimépaic, Aérer 6 Kypioc, ékye@® amd TOY TNeYMaTéc MOY ET TIACAN CApKa, Kal TIPOPHTEYCOYCIN O1 YIOl YMON Kal al OyraTeépec YMON" Kal Ol 20
3 yakwod 6 ef ra] efra Séypuara] forsan rapadelypara 7 avepodyrat 11- rapadobeis 16 6%] dé 17 éxovra] oxara coni. Gebh... 18 émnyyed-
pevns
reading of A, ‘decreta.’ Final ‘m’ is from Act. ii. 17 f. see above pp. 47 f.
very frequently omitted in this MS., e.g. See also pp. 49 ff. for various parallels
‘aedificatione’ 1. 2. between the whole of this prefatory sec- 12 in nouissimis] On the quotation tion and Tertullian’s works,
62 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
Spiritu effundam: et twuenes wisiones uidebunt, et senes somnia somniabunt. itaque et nos qui sicut prophetias ita et uisiones nouas pariter repromissas et agnoscimus et honoramus, ceteras- que uirtutes Spiritus Sancti ad instrumentum Ecclesiae deputa- zs mus, cui et missus est idem omnia donatiua administrans in omnibus prout unicuique distribuit Dominus, necessario et digerimus et ad gloriam Dei lectione celebramus; ut ne qua aut imbecillitas aut desperatio fidel apud ueteres tantum aestimet gratiam diuinitatis conuersatam, siue in martyrum sive 1oin reuelationum dignatione: cum semper Deus operetur quae repromisit, non credentibus in testimonium, credentibus im beneficium. et nos itaque quod audiwmus et contrectawimus 1Jn.i. annuntiamus et wobis, fratres et filioli: wt et wos qui interfuistis ’“’ rememoremini gloriae Domini, et qui nunc cognoscitis per rg auditum communionem habeatts cum sanctis martyribus, et per illos cum Domino Iesu Christo, cui est claritas et honor in saecula saeculorum. amen. | . II. Apprehensi sunt adolescentes catechumini, Reuocatus et Felicitas conserua eius, Saturninus et Secundulus. inter 20hos et Vibia Perpetua, honeste nata, liberaliter instituta, matronaliter nupta, habens patrem et matrem et fratres duos, alterum aeque catechuminum, et filium infantem ad ubera: erat autem ipsa circiter annorum uiginti duo. haec ordinem totum martyrii sui iam hinc ipsa narrauit, sicut conscriptum 25 Manu sua et suo sensu reliquit. III. Cum adhuc, inquit, cum prosecutoribus essem, et me pater uerbis euertere cupiret et deicere pro sua affectione 2 et nos] nos et A 5 administratur A 6 prout] pro A 7 lecti- onemA 9 diuinatisA om.inA 13 ut] + hii A 18 Reuocatus] ex hoc uerbo inc. B 19 om. Saturninus A 20 hos] quos B ubia A; uiuia C honeste nata] honesta A 23 erat autem] et erat B_ annorum circiter B
duo] et duo B; et duorum C 25 suam manu B 26 essem] essemus B 27 om. uerbis A euertere cupiret] auertere B
2 prophetias...nouas}] Cf. Tert. adv. Prax. 30 Spiritum Sanctum..,oixovouias interpretatorem, si quis sermones nouae prophetiae eius admiserit.
5 idem omnia...distribuit Dominus] Cf. Rom. xii, 3, 1 Cor. vii. 17, xii. 6. For ‘donatiua’ see above p. 56,
7 ad gloriam Dei] See above p. 49.
9 diuinitatis] Dr Hort has suggested to me ‘diuinitus’ as a possible emendation.
10 cum semper Deus] Cf. Tert. de
Anim. 51, quoted above p, 51.
12 contrectauimus] See above p. 49. 13 interfuistis] This gives us an ap-
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE. 63
NEANICKOL YM@N OPACEIC OYONTAl, Kal O| TIPECBYTal YM@N E€NY- TINIOIC ENYTINIACOHCONTAL. Lets O€ ofTeves TpodyTeias Kal dpdaets kawas SexoucOa Kai ériywookopey Kai Tiu@yev Tacas Tas Suvdpets ToD dyiov mvevpatos, ws yopnyel TH ayia éxxrnoig mpos nv Kal éméuhOn tavta Ta yapicuata év macw s:LoLKody, éxaoTo os euépioev 0 Oeos, avayKaiws Kai avapipynoKoper Kal Wpos oiKodouny eiadyouev, meTA GyaTNnS TadTa ToodyTEs Els dogav Oeod, cat va pn Tas 4 aBéBasds Tis Kal OALYOTLOTOS, 7 Kal Tots TaNalois wovoy THY yapw Kal Thy Sivapw didocba
on
a a An , vouion, ete ev Tols THY papTUpwy elite ev TOS TOY aTrOKANU- 10 weov afismacw: mavrote épyalouévouv Tov Ocov & émrnyyel- > , x a 3 ‘4 3 3 f X\ a NATO els papTUPLOY fey TOV aTrigT@V Eis avTiAnyrLy -6€ TOV TLSTOV. Kab Hels & HKOYCAMEN Kal EWPAKAMEN Kal EPHAADHCAMEN ’ , ¢on > YN Us ° 1, oe , evayyertCoueba YMIN, AdeAGol Kai Téxva’ INA Kal Ob GUTApOYTES avauynobdcow S0&ns Oeod, Kat ot viv 8’ axons ywwodoxKovtes 15 ral \ 3 KOINWNIAN EYHTE META TOV ayiov papTUpeY, Kal dv avT@v peta Tod Kupiou yay “Incod Xpratod, @ 7 Seka eis Tors aidvas TOV apn. > fa . tS aA / i II. °Ev ore. QovpBiravev tH pixpotéepg avvehnpOnoav ‘a tA ¢ , XN f , veaviokot KaTnxovpevol, ‘Peoveatos kat Pnrxntatn avvdovroz,
ALOVODV.
vy ce)
Kat Latoupviros cat Lexodvdos: per avrav dé nat OvsBia Ileprerova, nTis Hv yevvnbeioa evyevas Kai Tpageioa TodvTEAas yapnbciod te eEoywas. ) \ @ ¢ iy ¢€ / ; 3 \ \ adergovs, Ov 6 Erepos Hv Waa’TwS KaTHYOUMEVOS: etyev 5é Kal
ed es a XN , \ U auTn eixyey TaTépa Kal pnTtépa Kal dvo
téxvov, 5 Tpos Tots wacOois Ere EOnralev- Hv O€ abty érov elxoce 25 duo: ATs Tacav Thy Ta&wy Tod paptupiov évTedOev Sinyyoato, os Kab TO vol avTAS Kal TH yeipl cvyyparaca KatéNurrev OVTwS elTrovaa. .
III. "Er, dyciv, yuev waparnpovpévev éreyxeipes 6 waTHp Mot rOyots TeiVew pe KATA THY EavTOD EevoTrAAYYViaV TIS 30
eis dvrtets
7 pera aydans| legebat didilectione. avrinnpw 27 Karéhevrey
19 @ovkpiraver 21 30 edordaxviay
proximate date for the compilation of the Martyrdom. It is addressed to some who were eye-witnesses. For the change of person in the Greek, see above p. 4. 18 Reuocatus, &c.] For the occurrence of the names in African Inscriptions see
louNa kal weprerova
8 4 aBeBadorns 12
23 airy 25 airy
_Mr Harris’s note ad loe.
21 matronaliter nupta] These words occur im an African Inscription; C. I. L. Afr. 870.
27 deicere] Cf. Tert. ad Scap. 4 modice uexatam hominem et statim deiectum.
64 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
perseueraret: Pater, inquam, uides, uerbi gratia, uas hoc iacens,
urceolum siue aliud ?
et dixit: Video. quid alio nomine uocari potest, quam quod est ?
et ego dixi ei: Num- et ait: Non.
Sic et ego aliud me dicere non possum, nisi quod sum, Christiana. stunc pater motus hoc uerbo mittit se in me, ut oculos mihi
erueret: mentis diaboli.
sed uexauit tantum, et profecto est uictus cum argu- tunc paucis diebus quod caruissem patrem, Domino gratias egi, et refrigeraui absentia illius. spatio paucorum dierum baptizati sumus:
in ipso et mihi Spiritus
ro dictauit non aliud petendum ab aqua, nisi sufferentiam carnis. post paucos dies recipimur in carcerem: et expaul, quia num-
quam experta eram tales tenebras. ualidus turbarum beneficio, concussurae militum. macerabar sollicitudine infantis ibi.
o diem asperum! aestus nouissime tunc Tertius et Pomponius,
15 benedicti diaconi qui nobis ministrabant, constituerunt praemio ut. paucis horis emissi in meliorem locum carceris refrigeraremus. tunc exeuntes de carcere uniuersi sibi uacabant: ego infantem
lactabam: iam inedia defectum. matrem et confortabam fratrem, commendabam filium. 20 cebam ideo quod illos tabescere uideram mei beneficio.
sollicita pro eo adloquebar tabes- tales
sollicitudines multis diebus passa sum: et usurpaui ut mecum infans in carcere maneret; et statim conualui et releuata sum a
1 inquit A uidens B 3 quam quod est] C; quam quid est B; om. A ait] dixit B 5 motus]+in B misit B 6 euerteret B uexauero B profecto] profectus BC 8 deoB refrigeraui] conieci ; refrigerauit A;
refrigerata sum BC in B sufferentia B ualidos B
1, 13) missi B B; fratri C .
refrigeremur B 20 om. ideo B
6 cum argumentis diaboli] Holsten quotes ‘ Antonius in vit. Simeonis styl. 6 cum signum crucis fecisset, continuo diabolus nusquam comparuit, cum argu- mento suo euanuit: Anastas. Biblioth. [Lib. Pontif.] in Benedicto III. carmen uicit ac mundi principem et omnia eius argumenta nequissima.’
7 caruissem patrem] The acc. after ‘carere’ is found in Plautus and in late
9 et mihi] mihi autem B 12 tales experta eram B 13 concussure A; concussura B stituerunt praemium C; continuerunt premium B 18 pro] deB illos] illo A
10 non] nihil B ab] estus ualidus A; estos nouissimo B 15 con- 16 ut]+ hii A (cf. p. 62, 19 fratrem] matrem
meo benefitio cum seqq. B
writers: cf. Rénsch I. und V. pp. 414 f.
8 refrigeraui] I have restored this from a comparison of 1. 16 ‘refrige- raremus’; p. 74, 1. 16, p. 82, 1. 8. One corruption gave ‘refrigerauit’ (A), mak- ing ‘absentia’ the nominative; another changed ‘refrigeraui’ into ‘refrigerata sum’ (BC). Comp. the change to the passive in B in 1, 16.
10 ab aqua] For the first prayer after
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE. 6:
f ¢€ “ > fal 3 XN \ > , . Tl , TpoKeLpwevns oforoylas eKreceiv* Kayo TmpoS avToV aTeEp, 4 ea / / fel 4 * bh iad Env, opas NOoyou yapty oKedos Kelsevov 7 GAO TL TOV
a i 3 ld ToLOUT@Y ; Kakeivos amrexpiOn: ‘Oped. Kayo: “Ado ovopafew 7 Oy \ L IO) , > , oa 2 7 , avTo pn Oépis; ovdée Svvapat, et py 0 eipt, TovTéoTL xXpL- oTlavy, TOTE 6 TaTnp pov TapayOels TOede TO NO erredOaly 5 f nOérncev Tovs dbOarpor's pov éEopvEas: erevta povov Kxpaktas, a a rn A 4 éEnrOev vienbeis peta Tav tod StaBorXov pnyaver. TOTE bY fa 9 4 a / OAtyas Huépas aTroonuncavTos avTov, nVYapioTnoa T@ Kupig, 3 a ad ¢€ , ba kat hoOnv arovtos avrTovd' Kat év avtats tais nuéepais éBa- 4 . ‘> AV ¢ , ‘ a \¢ Sé AX aTioOnpev’ Kai éué darnyopevoev TO TvEedpa TO ayLoy pndev Ado 10 n 3 \ ‘\ aitnoacOat ato tov datos Tod BamrTiopatos et py capKos ¢€ 3 ‘ . viropovny. peta dé drlyas nyuépas EBANOnwev els hvrdaKny, Kal a , e \ éEevicOnv: ov yap TwTOTE TOLODTOY EwpaKely TKOTOS* ws SeLVnY eof ano? , N \ ? r A 3 > oA nuépav Kadwa Te ohodpov: Kai yap avOpadrwv wAHO0s Hv Eexet af- A A / / . x oN \ G\NOS TE Kal OTPAaTLOTa@Y oUKOpaYTiats TAEioTais’ peD & by 15 \ Tore Téptios Kai € nw f Topetrovios, evroynpévoe Stakovoe of Senxovovv july, Tiwas Sores
f ‘ A TavTa KaTeTrovotpny Sa TO vyTrLOV TéKVOD.
érroinaav nuas eis juep@repov ToTov TAS PuraKns peTayOnvat. TOTe avarvons érvyouev, Kal 8) Exacro. mpocaydévtes eayo- rNalov éavtois’ Kat To Bpédos jvéxOn apes pe, Kal émedidovy 20 avT@ yada, Hon avyy@ papavlév: TH untpl MpocerdXovp, Tov adergov mpoetpeTouny, TO vATLOv TrapeTLOéunv’ éeTnKOUNV Oé OTE €Oedpovr avtouvs bu’ éwé AvToumevOUS’ OVTAS TEPLAVTTOS TAELOTAIS nuépas ovca, WTnoa Kal TO Bpédos év TH huvraKyn pet Epod
/ tal ? \ > N Hévey’ Kaxelvo avédaBev Kal eyo éxoupiacOnv amo avias Kai 25
6 pdvny 12 éxAnOnpev Baptism, cf. Tert. de Bapt.20. Mr M.R. James gives me the following quotation from the unpublished Acts of Xanthippe and Polyxena: ép@pov ot tax) dvacraca AaBE 76 dyov Bawriopa Kal airnoa év re Barriopart pucOjvat ce Tv Tot Spaxovros mayliwr.
13 concussurae militum] The Greek translation takes this in the technical sense of unjust accusation for the sake of extortion: ef. Tert. ad Scap. 4 con- cussione eius intellecta; and de Fuga 12 miles concutit (cf. 13 ad init.). But the context seems here to require the sense
R.
13 ws] @ coni, Gedbh.
17 raprévios 24 HOyca of ‘rough treatment,’ though perhaps with a view to extortion; cf. ‘constitu- erunt praemio’ below.
14 ibi. tune] I have retained the punctuation of Cod. A.
22 conualui] ‘conualuit’ has been suggested to correspond with the Greek. But in this case weshould have to suppose that the ‘t’? was lost independently in both lines of the Latin text. Moreover we should introduce a harsh change of the subject, such as the Greek translation has endeavoured to modify by the addi- tion of éxetvo.
66 PASSIO S, PERPETVAE,
labore et sollicitudine infantis: et factus est mihi carcer subito © praetorium, ut ibi mallem essem quam alicubi.
IV. Tune dixit mihi frater meus: Domina soror, iam in magna dignatione es, tanta ut postules uisionem et ostendatur
stibi an passio sit an commeatus.
et ego quae me sciebam
fabulari cum Domino, cuius beneficio tanta experta eram, fidenter repromisi ei, dicens: Crastina die tibi renuntiabo. et
postulaui, et ostensum est mihi hoe.
uideo scalam aeream
mirae magnitudinis pertingentem usque ad caelum, et an- 1ogustam, per quam nonnisi singuli ascendere possent: et in
lateribus scalae omne genus ferramentorum infixum.
erant
ibi gladii, lanceae, hami, macherae: ut, si quis neglegenter aut non sursum adtendens ascenderet, laniaretur et carnes eius
inhaererent ferramentis.
et erat sub ipsa scala draco cubans
15 Mirae magnitudinis, qui ascendentibus insidias praestabat, et
exterrebat ne ascenderent.
ascendit autem Saturus prior, qui
postea se propter nos ultro tradiderat, quia ipse nos aedifica- uerat, et tunc cum adducti sumus praesens non fuerat. et peruenit in caput scalae, et conuertit se et dixit mihi: 20 Perpetua, sustineo te: sed uide ne te mordeat draco ille. et
dixi ego: Non me nocebit in nomine Iesu Christi.
1 subito] quasi B 2 esse B nitate BC (Ruin.) ficia A; benefitia B C (Ruin.) per B ami A; om. B +inB
7 fidens B
ascendi A
adducti] adprehensi BC 19 +ad me BC 20 om. te (sec.) B nomine] + domini BC
2 praetorium] The sentence gains a new point when we think of the Mar- tyrs as confined in the ‘carcer’ of the ‘praetorium’; see above, p. 5. The re- mains of the Proconsular palace on the Byrsa are still to be traced: see Tissot Géogr. de V Afrique romaine vol. I. pp. 649 ff.
alibi BC tanta] et tantese es B
8 aeream] C; auream B; om. A 11 erat ibi gladium, lanceam, machere B 13 ascendens adtenderet BC (+ et B) 14 15 praestabat] parabat BC aedificauerat] C; qui ipse nos edificauerat B; om. A in]ad B
et] + draco C
et desub
3 frater] pater B 4 dig- 6 beneficio] C (Ruin.); bene- repromissa ei B ; repromissionibus eius 9 et] +itaB 10 om.
12 hami] inhaererent] quia ipse nos 18 et (pr.)] ut BC conuertit] BC; euertit A se]
om. ille B 21 non me] nemo B
17 ultraB
_ mallem essem] I have restored ‘es- sem’ from Cod. A. Cf. Cic. ad Fam. vuoi. 14 mallem...cognoscerem (so Klotz; earlier edd. read ‘cognoscere’). For other.examples see Roby § 1608.
5 commeatus] A military term, mean- ing ‘leave to come and go’; here ‘re- lease’: see Holsten’s note. The Greek
PASSIO 8, PERPETVAE. 67
‘4 e a / movov, Kal idov 4 duran éuol yéyovey Tpastoptov, Ws MaNOV > al f 9 ‘ > 3. A pe. éxet OéXew civat, Kab ovK adrayod. %
IV. Tére eivév pot 6 aderdds' Kupia aderdy, 7dn év peyaro afidyats vTapyes, Toca’Tn ovca ws Ei aiTHoELAS > f 3 / U x > ‘N fal ? 4 ortacias omraciay AaBos av eis TO SeryOyvai oor etzrep 5 avaBorny exes 7} mabety pédrets. Kayo Hris FSew pe 6pthovoay
a > s Ged, ob ye 5 tocaitas evepyecias etyov, wicTews TANPNS ovCa, ernyysthauny avrT@ eitrodaa’ Avpiov cot atayyero. nTnTaynv 8g, nai éSeiyOn por TodTO’ eidov Kripaxa yarxnv Oavpacrod
A nr e > pnKous’ HS TO phKos Axpis ovpavod’ atevn 5é Hv ws wndeéva bu’ 10 7a 60 ra} > \ \ 4 > A . 2 ¢ / de A auTns Sivacbar et un pwovayoy Eva avaBnvas’ é& éxatépwy Sé TOV THS KNimaKosS pepOv av eldos Hv éutremnypévov exer Evpar, a A ¢ Sopatev, dyxictpav, wayaipar, 6Bedicxwv’ tvaTas 6 avaBawar > na X cal J ne AaMENOs Kal wn avaBrérrwv Tots aKkovTiots Tas TapKas oTTapay Gein > a A ¢ \ wy &€ tr avThn TH KAtwant Spaxov vreppeyéOns, ds 81) Tods ava- 15 Batvovras évydpevev, éxPayBav orrws pr) ToAoow avaBaivey. > f \ ¢ , . ww \ oo > CC A e \ 4 avéBn S€ 6 Latupos’ bs 8) vVotepoy de Huds éExov Trapédwxev Ls f . 3 fa! \ \ > ‘ 3 . 3 ,@ f EaUTOV’ avTOD yap Kal oiKodoMN Huev’ GAN OTE cuVEeAnPOnpev 3 tal cy ~ ary. OS oY TpOS TO AKpoV THS KAiuaKos TapeyéveTo, éoTpadn, \ 3 . , , . 2 N 4 / ¢ , cat eitrev’ Ilepirerova, mepipéva oe’ adda BréETrE wy oe O Spakwyr 20 ; x. ry A ~ San’ Kai eirov' OU wn pe Brdary, év dvopare Incod Xpiotod. ¢ a Kal uTokatTo THs KNiwaKxos woel hoBovpevds pe Hpeua THY 6 ris] airets
9 KAjua Kaxadkhy 12 KAjpmaros
13 ayylorpwy
dvaBovj is wrong, conveying only the idea of deferred punishment.
6 cuius beneficio] Cf. ‘turbarum bene- ficio’? and ‘mei beneficio’ just above: and for Perpetua’s fondness for repeat- ing a phrase see above, p. 45. This reading leaves ‘experta eram’ the same sense of ‘experiencing hardship’ as above, p. 64, 1. 12.
8 scalam aeream] Our authorities vary between ‘aeream’ and ‘auream.’ The best of them (A) omits the epithet altogether. B has ‘auream’; C (with g) ‘aeream.’ The Short Latin MSS, pre- sent the same uncertainty. Aubé, edit- ing from several Paris MSS., has simply
‘scalam erectam’: the texts printed by Pillet have ‘aeream’ as well: Holsten gives a somewhat abbreviated form from Petrus Calo, and this, as well as a yet briefer form which follows it in his edition, has ‘auream.’ The account in the Basilian Menology (see above, p. 22) has oxdday xadxnv. On the whole there- fore the evidence is in favour of ‘ae- ream,’ A friend has suggested to me ‘aeriam’: but either of the other epi- thets suits the context well enough.
"18 ecarnes eius] Cp. Ep. Vien. et Lugd. (Hus. H. HE. v. 1, 24) where rév cwpuarwv is used of a single martyr.
5—2
68 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
ipsa scala, quasi timens me, lente elecit caput: et quasi primum gradum calcarem, calcaui illi caput. et ascendi, et uidi spatium immensum horti, et in medio sedentem hominem canum, in habitu pastoris, grandem, oues mulgentem: et cir- 5 cumstantes candidati milia multa. et leuauit caput et aspexit me, et dixit mihi: Bene uenisti, tegnon. et clamauit me, et de caseo quod mulgebat dedit mihi quasi buccellam; et ego accepi iunctis manibus, et manducaui: et uniuersi circumstantes dixe- ruot Amen. et ad sonum uocis experrecta sum, commanducans roadhuc dulcis nescio quid. et retuli statim fratri meo, et intel- leximus passionem esse futuram: et coepimus nullam iam spem in saeculo habere. V. Post paucos dies rumor cucurrit ut audiremur. super- uenit autem et de ciuitate pater meus, consumptus taedio: et 1s ascendit ad me, ut me deiceret, dicens: Miserere, filia, canis meis ; miserere patri, si dignus sum a te pater uocari; si his te manibus ad hune florem aetatis prouexi; si te praeposui omnibus fratri- bus tuis: ne me dederis in dedecus hominum. aspice fratres tuos: aspice matrem tuam et materteram: aspice filium tuum, 20 qui post te uiuere non poterit. depone animos; ne uniuersos nos extermines: nemo enim nostrum libere loquetur, si tu aliquid fueris passa. haec dicebat pater pro sua pietate, basians mihi manus, et se ad pedes meos iactans: et lacrymis
1 om. ipsa B eiecit] eleuauit BC quasi (sec.)] cum BC 2 calca- rem] calcassem B illi] illius C 4 canum]sanum A 5 candidatos BC 6 om. me (pr.) B uenies tegnum B 9 om. uocis A sum] + et B °10 adhue dulcis] (Ruin.); adhuc dulci B; om. A om. et (pr.) B om. et (sec.) B 11 nullam] nulla A cepimus iam nullam B 13 ut] quod B 13, 14 superuenit autem et] et superuenit B 14 om. et (sec.) A 15 miserere filia canis meis] miserere filia patri C; filia miserere patri B 16 patri] patris A; canis meis B ajJad B 17 om. ad hune B proposui B 18 dedecus] opproprium B 18,19 aspice fratres— filium] A; aspice ad fratres tuos, aspice ad filium B 20 - potest B 20, 21 ne uniuersos nos extermines] et noli nos uniuersos exterminare BC 21 om, enim B loquitur B 22 feceris B dicebat]+ quasi B 23 lacrymis
me] iam lacrimans B ; etiam lacrimans C
2 calcaui illi caput] The mosaic woman holding a palm and treading pavement of a Basilica, which is sup- upon a serpent; cf. Tissot ibid. vol. 1. posed to be that mentioned by Victor pp. 805.
Vitensis (see above, p. 22), represents a 5 candidati] This reading (A) is sup-
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
e a . 3 i Keharny Tpoonveykev’ Kai ws els TOY Tpw@TOV BaOpuov 7OedAnca éniBnvat, Thy Keharyny avTod ématnaa. Kai etdov éxet Kprrov a ‘ / péytorov, Kat év péc@ Tod Kyou avOpwrov TodLoy KabeComevoy fal \ f \ / . Totméevos oyna ExovTa varepweyéOn, Os Apevye TA TpORaTa a . , ° , . TepietaTnKercay 5& avT@ ToANal yirltades AEevyEtpmovovvT@V’ 5 9 . na / érapas 5é Thy Keparny eOeacato pe kal eiev’ Kaddis énrv0as, a an ae f ” / TéxvOV. Kab éxarecév pe, Kal ex TOD TUpOdD Ov HAmevyev GwxKév : , \ n U XN poor woel Yropuiov’ Kat éraBov CevE§aca tas yeipas mou Kal > nA > / \ \ \ épayov' cal eimayv mavtes ot wapeot@tes’ “Auny. Kal Tpos TOV 5 a , f, \ nryov THs povns éEvrvicOny ert Th OTE wacwMEeVN YAVKU' Kal nF , a3 a \oo of a L a. evbéws Sunynodunv TO adeXdO Kal evonoaper OTe Séot wabeiv \ 3 , 4 5 / 2, {S. by a IA , , ” €uV Kab npEaunv éxtore pnoeulav érrida ev TO at@ve TOUT@ exe. € a bd / V. Mera &é nuépas orlyas éyvapev médrewy Nas axovaOn- . t 4 , \ > a n 9 S / ceaOat’ tapeyéveto Sé Kai 6 TaT)p Ex THS TOAAHS aTrodnpias i f lad papastvopevos, Kal avéBn mpos me TpoTpETTOmEVosS me KaTAaBaNeiy, 1 a \ , Aeyov' Ovyarep, EXénoov Tas ToALas pou’ é€A€noov Tov TaTépa an , a a cov, eltrep dELos eius dvopacOnvat TatHp gov" pynoOnte ote Tals . \ an fal e / bd f Ul XEepoiv TavTaLs Tpos TO ToLodTOY aVvOos THS HALKias avHyaryov . \ ’ : e\ N > , . \ \ oe’ Kal TpoetAOpNY oe UTEP TOS AdEAOU’S Tou" bpa THY onV L 2M LN a a 5 , 5 \ er A \ pntépa Kai THY THs wNnTpOS Tov adeArgny, Se Tov viov cov Os peTa nA : \ ‘ XN \ ¢ a oé Snv ov Ovvaras' amd0ov tovs Gupovs Kab wn nas mavTas 3 , ? \ x ¢ fal A / i 27 ? éEoroOpevans’ ovdels yap Huey peTa Tappyaias NadHoes, éay Th fal : fal la . oot cuuRH. TadTa Edeyev WS TATHP KATA THY TMV yovewy evVOLAV a ld aA Kat KaTepires jou Tas xeipas Kal éavTov EppiTrtev EuTrpoaOev TaV
ToOoy ov Kal émidaxpv@v ovKéTe pe Ouyatépa GAA Kupiay 2
5 AevexXNMovovouvTwy ll évvojoapev
ported by the Greek version, which like- Spectac. 25, with Oehler’s note.
69
ey
5
Milk
wise makes a new sentence, instead of giving another acc. case as BC. For similar instances where the verb is omitted, cf. p. 72, 1.18 et uulnus in facie &ec., and p. 74, 1.8 et super margine fiala aurea plena aqua.
8 dixerunt Amen} That the action at this point is at least partly Eucha- ristic is suggested by this phrase: but I do not know of any instance in which the ‘Amen’ at the reception is said by any but the recipient. Cf. Tert. de
and honey were given immediately after Baptism, and sometimes with the first Communion (Oehler on Tert. de Coron. 8, note h). ‘Iunctis manibus’ is the natural action to catch the dripping morsel, On the whole question of the Elements in the Eucharist see Harnack’s Brod und Wasser (Texte und Unters. vit. 2, pp. 117 ff.).
15 ascendit] For the local allusion see note on ‘praetorium’ above, p. 66, 1. 2.
70 PASSIO §. PERPETVAE.
me non filiam nominabat, sed dominam. et ego dolebam causam patris mei, quod solus de passione mea gauisurus non esset de toto genere meo; et confortaui eum, dicens: Hoc fiet in illa catasta quod Deus uoluerit: scito enim nos non in nostra
5esse potestate constitutos, sed in Dei. et recessit a me con- tristatus.
VI. Alio die cum pranderemus, subito rapti sumus ut audiremur: et peruenimus ad forum. rumor statim per uicinas fori partes cucurrit, et factus est populus immensus. ascen-
1odimus in catastam. interrogati ceteri confessi sunt. uentum est et ad'me. et apparuit pater ilico cum filio meo, et extraxit me de gradu, supplicans: Miserere infanti. et Hilarianus procurator, qui tunc loco proconsulis Minuci Timiniani defuncti ius gladii acceperat: Parce, inquit, canis patris tui: parce 15 infantiae pueri. fac sacrum pro salute Imperatorum. et ego respondi: Non facio. Hilarianus, Christiana es? inquit. et ego respondi: Christiana sum. et cum staret pater ad me deiciendam, iussus est ab Hilariano deici, et uirga percussit. et doluit mihi casus patris mei, quasi ego fuissem percussa: 20 sic dolui pro senecta eius misera. tunc nos uniuersos pronun- tiat, et damnat ad bestias: et hilares descendimus ad carcerem. tunc quia consueuerat a me infans mammas accipere, et mecum in carcere manere, statim mitto ad patrem Pomponium diaconum, 1 nominabat sed dominam] sed dominam me uocabat B dominam] domina A om. et B 2 causam] canos B 4 casta B quod deus] quodns B 4,5 non in—del] in dei non in nostra potestate futuros B 5 me] + pater B 8 om. et B 9 partes fori B 9,10 et ascen- dimus catastam B 10 in catasta A 11 pater ilico] ibi pater B 12 graduj]+et dixit B infanti] canos meos BC (Ruin.) helarianus B 13 loco] in locum BC defuncti proconsulis minutii teminiani B 14 dixit parce canos B 16 fatiam et helarianus, ergo christiana es? et ego B 17 cum staret] contemptaret B om, ad B 18 elariano B deici] proici B percussit] percussus est BC 20 dolui] mihi doluit B; enim dolui C
misera] Miser cum seqg. B uniuersos nos B 22 mammam B 23 pom- pinianum BC
1 sed dominam] Cf. ‘domina soror,’ 4 quod Deus uoluerit] Cf. Acta Mon- p. 66, 1. 3. This title of respect is tani 12 (Ruin. p. 234) credebat id fieri given to brothers and sons in funeral quod Deus uellet. This confirms the inscriptions: e.g.C.I.L. Afr. 333 pommno ~— reading ‘Deus’: for other phrases in MEO FRATRI, and 2862 Fruio ET DomINo~ this Martyrdom are borrowed from ours. MEO. 12 supplicans] The Greek translator
PASSIO S, PERPETVAE. 71
évexdnrer’ eyo Sé wept THS Stalécews Tov TaTpOS AYoUY, OTL év
ef fal D) fal , t > 3 a 3 fa) > a f bA@ TH euw@ yéver povos ovK nyaddaTo év TO eug@ Travel.
Tapenvonodunv dé avTov eitotaa’
n i 3 a Tovro yevynoerat ev TO ra
B / 2 , \ 2N 4) aN 4 , e 50 \ v4 ? 2 a nuate éxeiv@ [0| éav Oéry 0 KUptos’ yv@Us yap ott ovK ev TH
nuetépa éEovoia, ddN év TH Tot Oeod éoopea’ Kai exwpicOn 5
> 9 95 a 3 fal am éuod adnpovav. +
VI. Kal 79 npépa ev § Bpicto nprdynpev iva éxovobepev"
\ vd > ‘ > \ b] X / ? \ ? \ 3 \ Kat WOTrEp éyevnOnpev éebs THY ayopav onen evOus els Ta eyryus
pépn SunrOev, cal cuvédpapev Trciotos dyAos* ws bé avéBnpev
eis TO Bhua éFetacbévtes of AovTrol Wpodoynoav’ Hwerdrov Sé
me
°
Ln es , . \ 2p > A \ a : ¢ te,
Kayo eEeraver Oar’ Kat épavn éxei pera Tod Téxvou fou 6 TaTHp 5 a) , ’
Kal Katayayov pe pos éavTov, etrrev' “ErriOucov éXenoaca 76
Bpédos.
\o¢ , f 3 / ’\ , a“ > Ul kal ‘INapiavos tis éitporros, 0s TOTE TOU avOvTratou
ato@avévtos Muivouxiov Ommiavov éEovoiay eidyder payaipas,
/ . a A a n ft . a a n reyes poe’ Deicat THv rodL@v Tov TaTpos gov’ PEetcas THS TOU 15
b) mTaoiov vyTLoTnToOS’ éTiOuaoy VIrép TWTNPLAS TOV AUTOKpAaTOpwD.
Kayo drexpiOnv' Od Bvo.
Kat eitrev ‘[Napiaves: Xpiotiavy
> \ 4 . 9 \ ©€ 9 , e , €lL; Kat €lTovV Xpiotiavy Eli. KAL WS éotrovoalev oO TaTHp flou
a 3 a KaTaBareiv we ato THS 6pmoNoyias, KeXeVcaVTOS ‘TNaptavou é&e-
BrnOn* mpocéte 5é kal TH Pad Tav Sopvddpwv tis éTUTTNTED 20
> #7, 3 \ , of: > , \ a > a. , avTov’ Kayo opodpa prAynoa, éhenoaca TO ynpas avTOU" TOTE
nas mavtas mpos Onpia KaTaxpiver. Kal yalpovTes KaTinpev
ets puAaKny.
éreton Sé vm éuov éOnralero TO ratdiov, Kal
> 3 a A rr a 3 $0 / f \ ‘\ , MET E“ou ev TH PuraKh eia@ler pevev, TE“TTW TposS TOV TraTEpA
a , > n \ / ¢ \ \ ? pou Llopmdvioy Siaxovov, aitodoa TO Bpédpos* 6 b€ matip ovx 25
4 om.o 14
probably read ‘et dixit: sacrificans.’
13 Minuci Timiniani] On the vexed question of the proconsul’s name see Mr Harris’s Introduction, p. 9. The practical concurrence of Codd. A and B leaves no hope of further light from the reading of the Greek version.
18 et uirga percussit] This reading is supported by the Gk érvmrrncevy. Hither therefore a word has fallen out, or per- haps Hilarian himself losing his temper struck Perpetua’s father with the wand which he bore as judge.
21 hilares] Possibly this is a play upon
omiavod
17 qAapiavos
the name Hilarianus. The contrast is still more striking with the reading of B: ‘Miser tunc uniuersos nos pronuntiat’ ;4 but this reading (though the omission of any epithet of yfjpas in the Gk is in its favour) makes ‘tune’ the second word in the sentence. The reading of C is not recorded. A play upon words has occur- red just before in ‘deiciendam...deici’,
descendimus ad carcerem] This is ex- plained by ‘ascendimus in catastam,’ 1.9. But they return to the procon- sular prison on the Byrsa above the town; see above, p. 66.
72 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
postulans infantem. sed pater dare noluit. et quomodo Deus uoluit, neque ille amplius mammas desiderat, neque mihi fer- uorem fecerunt: ne sollicitudine infantis et dolore mammarum macerarer. _
5 VII. Post dies paucos, dum uniuersi oramus, subito media oratione profecta est mihi uox, et nominaui Dinocraten: et obstipui quod numquam mihi in mentem uenisset nisi tunc; et dolui commemorata casus eius. et cognoui me statim dignam esse, et pro eo petere debere. et coepi de ipso orationem facere
1omultum, et ingemiscere ad Dominum. continuo ipsa nocte ostensum est mihi hoc. uideo Dinocraten exeuntem de loco tenebroso, ubi et complura loca erant tenebrosa, aestuantem valde et sitientem, sordido uultu et colore pallido; et uulnus in facie eius, quod cum moreretur habuit. hic Dinocrates fuerat
is frater meus carnalis, annorum septem, qui per infirmitatem facie cancerata male obiit, ita ut mors eius odio fuerit omnibus hominibus. pro hoc ergo orationem feceram: et inter me et illum grande erat diastema, ita ut uterque ad inuicem accedere non possemus. erat deinde in ipso loco ubi Dinocrates erat
20 piscina plena aqua, altiorem marginem habeus quam erat sta- tura pueri: et extendebat se Dinocrates quasi bibiturus. ego dolebam quod et piscina illa aquam habebat, et tamen propter altitudinem marginis bibiturus non esset. et experrecta sum, et cognoui fratrem meum laborare. sed fidebam me profuturam
23 labori eius: et orabam pro eo omnibus diebus quousque transi- uimus in carcerem castrensem: munere enim castrensi eramus
2 mammam B desiderauit B 3 effecerunt B et dolore] aut dolorem B 4 maceraret A*B 5 subito ante dum B oremus B 6 profecta] prolatum B om, uox B nomina, Vidicraten A; nomina. Vidinograte B 7 mente A 8 memorato casu B 9 patere B; pati C (Ruin.) de] pro B 10 multam B deum B 11 hoc]+in
*oromate C; +in oratione B 12 et complura loca] cum plures B om. tene- brosa B 13 ualde post sitientem B 14 moraretur B abiit AB 16° om. ita B 17 om. et (pr.) B 18 diadema A; idiantem B; dianten C (Ruin.) om, ita B 19 possumus B om. in ipso loco A erat dinogratis B 20 aquae B habens marginem quam staturam pueri B 22 haberet BC 24 confidebam B; considerabam C me profuturam] profuturam orationem meam BC 25 om. omnibus diebus A 26 carcerem castrensem: munere]
carcere. Munera B
PASSIO 8S. PERPETVAE.
ewxev' wv bs 6 Peds Gxovdunoev ove 6 mais uacOovs éme- t .o¥ o Oupnoev Exrore, ovTE euoi Tis Tpoayéyover HrEyLovy* tows wa [un] Kal TH ToD traidiov dpovTiss cat TH TOV pacBav adyndove Katatrovnde. A if VII. Kat per’ oriyas nuépas mpocevyopéver nudyv ardvTov A fal A \ /
éEaiduns ev pécwm THs mpocevyhs adja havny Kat @vopaca Acwoxparnv. Kal &xPayBos éyernOny, did7. ovdérrote et pn TOTE avapvynow avtod temoimxKew' HrAynoa O€ eis pYNENY EXOodGA TIS avTOD TedXeUTHS. MANY evOéws Eyvwv éepavTny dEiavy ovcoay nr A
aitnow Troincacbat Tept avTod, Kai npEdunv mpos Kupiov peta n a + a a oTevayuav mpocevyecOar Ta TreioTa’ Kal evléws alTH TH vuxtit €dnrwOy pot TodTo, opa@ Acwoxpatny é€epyopevov éx / a ied \ oo» . \ , \ TOTOU GKoTELVOU, OTTOU Kal GAAOL TOANOL KavpaTLCopevoL Kat n 5 A > \ A . \ dupavres qoav, écOnta éyovta puTapav, wypov TH ypoa’ Kal TO Tpadua ev TH dre avTOU TedevTay Srrep Tepioy et. eiyer. ® \ ¢ / ¢ > , \ / € \ ovtos 5é 6 Aewoxpdtns, 6 adeAhés pou Kata capa, éErtaeris TeOvnxes acberycas Kat THY piv aUTOD yayypaivyn caTrels ws tov Oavarov avtod atuyntov yevéoOat waow avOpdrois. eOew- pouv ody péya Sidotnpa ava pécov avtod Kai éuod, ws py Suvacbar nuds Gddjrows wpocedOectv. ev éxeivm S€ TH TéTH > © 9 ¢ 3 , / i ivf / . / év @ Hv 6 GdEAGos jrov coruupin @pa qv Bdatos mAHpys Dymo é- n ‘ an , cal ‘ pav 6é eiyev THY KpNTrida Virép TO TOD Tadiov pHKOS' pos Tav- Tnv 6 Aewoxpatns Sseteivero Tiety Tpoaspovpevos* eyo dé FAYOUV la . e , 5 / vA XN \ f > Store Kai 4 KoduvpRnOpa jv mAnpHS Uaros, Kal TO Tatdiov ovK novvato Tueiy Sid THY UIpHrAOTHTA THS KENTidos’ Kal éEvirvicOnp. Kal éyvov Kdpvew tov adeAdov pou’ éremoiGew Sé Sivacbai
a a a , cos ® pe avt@ BonOjaa év tais ava pécov nuépass, év ais cathy Onpev 3 \ of. \ \ “ / . > \ \ > els THY GAAnv duvdAaKynY THY TOD xXLALapxYoU' eyyds yap Hv THs TapeLBorns ob 7Huér(ropev Onpiopayetv’ yeveO\ov ydp jper- 3 om. wh 15 legebat cw B moraretur 16 ds ddeAdds
12 ubi et complura loca erant tene-
73
cn
vo 12)
vn on
brosa] Cf. dcta Thomae c. 52 dvOpwirds Tis mapédaBé pe awéxOns TH eidég, medas ddos,-7 6 Tobrou éoOHs wavy pepuTwmery’ amiyyarye O€ we els rwa Témov év G TONAL xdouara dbaripxe, x.7.A. For the con- nection between the Visions and the Apoe. of Peter see above, pp. 37 ff.
14 habuit] The form ‘abiit? AB may
be a vulgar Latin form of ‘habuit.’
Rénsch quotes ‘habiui’ from Plaut. Asin. 11, 3. 32.
15 carnalis] Cf. Eph. vi. 5 dominis carnalibus (|| Col. iii. 22), In Ep. Vien. et Lugd, (Hus. H. E. vy. 1. 18) ris cap- kivyns dearolyns we may perhaps trace the influence of a Latin Version (xara odpxa =carnalis=capxivyns: see further in the separate note on p. 97).
20 piscina] See above, p. 29.
74 PASSIO S, PERPETVAE.
pugnaturi:
natale tune Getae Caesaris.
et feci pro illo oratio-
nem die et nocte gemens et lacrymans ut mihi donaretur. VIII. Die quo in neruo mansimus, ostensum est mihi hoc. uideo locum illum quem retro uideram, et Dinocraten mundo 5 corpore, bene uestitum, refrigerantem ; et ubi erat uulnus, uideo
cicatricem :
margine usque ad umbilicum pueri;
et piscinam illam quam retro uideram, summisso
et aquam de ea trahebat
sine cessatione: et super margine fiala aurea plena aqua; et accessit Dinocrates, et de ea bibere coepit: quae fiala non defi-
10 Clebat. gaudens. esse de poena.
et satiatus accessit de aqua ludere more infantium et experrecta sum.
tunc intellexi translatum eum
IX. Deinde post dies paucos Pudens, miles optio praeposi- tus carceris, qui nos magnificare coepit intellegens magnam 1s uirtutem esse in nobis, multos ad nos admittebat, ut et nos
et illi inuicem refrigeraremus.
ut autem proximauit dies
muneris, intrat ad me pater meus consumptus taedio, et coepit barbam suam euellere et in terram mittere, et prosternere se in faciem, et inproperare annis suis, et dicere tanta uerba
20 quae mouerent uniuersam creaturam.
senecta eius. ™e
1 natali cesaris cum preced. B 2 om. gemens A tenebrosum esse lucidum B 8 margine] marginem BOC
3 die] +autem B 6 retro] p B fiala] + erat BC
ego dolebam pro infelici
X. Pridie quam pugnaremus, uideo in horomate hoc uenisse
Getae] cetae A; om. BC (Ruin.) 4 om. retro B uideram] + 6,7 summissa marginum B 9 quae] et quasi B
10 saciatus accessit de aqua ludere A; accessit ludere satiatus de aqua C ; accessit
deludere satiatus de ea aqua B dens C 15 uirtutem] + dei B refrigeremus B om. autem B 19 inproperare] inproperans se B
1 Getae Caesaris] See above, p. 25, n. 3.
3 die quo in neruo] This was an un- usual severity: but it is mentioned merely as a note of time (cf. p. 70, 1. 7 alio die cum pranderemus). The Greek translator or his copyist (éo7épa may be for 7uépa) found a difficulty in this de-
infantum C 14 magnificare coepit intellegens] BC; magnifice coepit intelligere A nobis]+ qui A 17 intrauit B
20 moueretur A
11 tunc] et B 13 Pru-
multos]+fratres BC 16 illeB
18 om. et (sec.) B 22 hoe] huc B
parture from the custom of allowing prisoners some relaxation in the day- time.
4 retro]=‘antea’; cf. Rénsch I. u. V. 343. Tertullian frequently so uses it.
14 magnificare] If we accept the reading of A, ‘magnifice, coepit intel- ligere,’ we must suppose that a verb like
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE. 75
Nev érreteretoOat Kaicapos. cita mpocevEapéevn peta orevaypov A \ nw 3 a ¢ / \ \ a la oodpas wep) Tov ddeAhod wou nuépas te Kat vuxTos dwpnOjvai
> A Fyo/ phot avTov n&iwoa.
VIII. Kai evOvs ev ri éorépa ev f ev vépBo éueivaper,
edelyOn Lot TOUTO.
ry
¢ A / *% 2 e ¢ / \ , op® *ToTm™* év @ ewpaxe Tov Aewwoxpa- 3
al 4 v \ fal 3 f \ > thy, kabape odpats dvTa, Kal Kades Hudtecpévov Kal ava- nA 5 Le”, \ oc \ wiyovra’ Kal Orov TO Tpabya HV ovANY Opw' Kat y KpNTIs an f , v4 n 3 / b] A, vx THS KoAvEBNOpas KaTnYOn Ews TOU oppadiov avToU' Eeppeev a a ° \ U a a > 8é é& avis adiarcirt@s Vdwp' Kal éravw THs KpnTidos Hv
ypc piadyn peotn’ Kai mpoceAGov 6 Aewoxparns. npEato é£ 10
aris mivew’ 7 bé diary ovK évérevrrev. Kal éumdnobeis jpEato
4 > hf mative AaYANALOpEVOS OS TA VHTLA’ Kal eEuTVicOnY. Kai évonca
14 fal al OTL weTeTeOn ex TOY TLULMPLOD.
IX. Kat per drtyas juépas Tovdns tis oTpatiatys 6 THs
huraxhns TpowoTapevos pera TONAHS THS oTrovoys HpEaTo was 15
al a 9 N Tyav Kat So&alew Tov Oedv, évvoerv SVvapiy peyadny eivat Trept
nas’ S16 Kal ToAoVs eloeAOety pos Huds OUK ExaAvEY Ets TO
nas Sia TOV éTAarAdAnrAOV TapapVvOLdy TapHyopeia Oar.
ryrytorev
~ “ id ~ Se 7 nuépa THY PiroTyUGV Kal EicepyeTaL TPOS LE O TATHP, TH
axndia papavbeis, kat ipEato Tov Toxyova Tov idtov éxTidrewW 20
A ta \ plrrey te éml ys’ Kal mpnvis KataKkeipwevos KaKoNoyEly Ta
la) a / . n 4 € a éavtod én KaTnyopév Kal NEyoY ToOLlav’TAa pnuaTta ws Tacav yy) \ / n . b] \ oe > 4 6 } A \ /
vvacbar THY KTioW caredoaL’ éyo be érévOovy bia TO TAaXdai-
Twpov ynpas avTov.
X. Ipod mids obv rob Onpiomayeiv tds, Brérw bpaya ToLod- 25
6 Kxadd\ws 12 évvdneoa ‘contempserat’ has fallen out after the adverb. The reading of BC, which I have adopted in despair, seems to be a correction, and may have been made at first in the margin, as the Greek pera woAAs THs crovd}s points to the adverb ‘magnifice.’ It is objectionable (1) as ob- scuring the gradual changein the attitude of Pudens, who at first treated them badly (cf. note on 1. 3), and ended by believing (p. 86, 1.6 and p. 92, 1.6): (2) as ex- pelling ‘qui’ (before ‘multos’), though it is quite in Perpetua’s style (cf. 1. 9 quae fiala non deficiebat; p. 76, 1. 2 qui
14 rovdys ricpariwrns 20
exTeiiew
erat uestitus). Holsten edited ‘magni faciebat’ which is open to the first of these objections.
22 in horomate] For the form cf. Ronsch I. w. V. p. 254.
hoe uenisse] ‘Hoc’ is for ‘hue,’ as in Plautus &c.: see Facciolati s. verb. ‘hic.’ So on tombs, Hoc MANSVM VENI, and ALIVS HOC INFERETVR NEMO. Also in Cod. Bezae, Mt. xvii. 17 adferte mihi illum hoc. The Greek translator mis- understood its meaning, as also did Holsten, who put a colon after it.
76 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
Pomponium diaconum ad ostium carceris, et pulsare uehementer. et exiui ad eum, et aperui ei: qui erat uestitus discinctam can- didam, habens multiplices galliculas. et dixit mihi: Perpetua, te exspectamus: uenl. et tenuit mihi manum, et coepimus ire 3 per aspera loca et flexuosa. uix tandem peruenimus anhelantes ad amphitheatrum, et Induxit me in media arena. et dixit mihi: Noli pauere; hic sum tecum, et conlaboro tecum. et abiit. et adspicio populum ingentem adtonitum. et quia sciebam me ad bestias datam esse, mirabar quod non mitterentur mihi bestiae. ro et exiuit quidam contra me Aegyptius foedus specie cum adiu- toribus suis pugnaturus mecum. ueniunt et ad me adolescentes decori adiutores et fautores mei. et expoliata sum, et facta sum masculus. et coeperunt me fautores mei oleo defrigere, quomodo solent in agonem: et illum contra Aegyptium uideo in afa. 15 uolutantem. et exiuit uir quidam mirae magnitudinis, ut etiam excederet fastigium amphitheatri, discinctatus purpuram inter duos clauos per medium pectus, habens galliculas multiformes ex auro et argento factas: efferens uirgam quasi lanista, et ramum uiridem in quo erant mala aurea. et petiit silentium, et 20 dixit: Hic Aegyptius, si hanc uicerit, occidet illam gladio; et, si hune uicerit, accipiet ramum istum. et recessit, et accessi-
1 om. carceris B pulsasse B A; discinecta candida BC B) 4,5 om, et coepimus—uix B
2 om, et (pr.) B 3 galliculas] C; calliculas AB (+x auro et argento 5 peruenimus anelantes A; ambulantes per-
distinctam candidam
uenimus B 6 medio arenae B 7 pauere} expauescere B 8 adtonito B om, me B 9 bestiam B datum A; donatam B (? lege damnatam) mitte- bantur B 10 contra me quidam B 11 et ad me ueniunt B 12 fau- tores] factores (om. mei et) B om. et facta sum B 13 masculos B faui-
sores A; factores B
afa] aqua BC 15 etiam] iam B
et BC 17 habens]+et B
et ferens BC uirga A 19 petit B piat B istud A
3 galliculas] Cf. 1.17. The word is used by the scholiast on Juv. Sat. 11. 67 (Mayor ad loc.) in explaining treche- dipna: uestimenta parasitica uel gal- liculas currentium ad cenam.
6 amphitheatrum] Descriptions of the amphitheatre at Carthage by El- Bekri and El-Edrisi are quoted by Tissot,
defrigere] defrigare B; defricare C 14 16 discinctatus] discinctam habens tunicam galliculas] C (Ruin.); calliculas AB
in agone BC
18 efferens]
20 et] haec BC 21 acci-
Géogr. de VAfr. romaine, vol.1. pp. 645 ff. in media arena] We might easily read the acc. case (cf. note on p. 60, 1. 12). But the confusion between the cases in expressing rest and motion is regarded by Sittl as characteristically African (Lokal. Verschied. pp. 128 ff.). Compare ‘in medio,’ p. 92, 1. 19,
PASSIO 8S. PERPETVAE.
>. XN ‘ ? ~ tov. Lloprrdvios 6 SiaKovos, dyoiv, AAOev mpos THv Ovpayv THs a a i 3 . ‘ durakhs Kal Expovoev chddpa° é&eMoica jnvoiga avtT@’ Kal 3 a . cy X Hv évdedupevos éoOnTa Napmpav Kal TrepreCwapévos’ ciyev Sé : b ¢ r \ t . se , > é \ ToLKiAa vTOOnMaTa Kal Aévyer pot € TWeplwevw, €XUE. Kal n f \ éxpatnocy Tas yelpas pov, Kal émopevOnuev Ota Tpaxéwv Kal Lal EA . CKOMGY TOTMY’ Kal ports Trapeyevouela eis TO audiGéatpov \ fam. Kal elonyayéy pe eis TO pécov Kal rAéyes por’ Mn hoBnOns > 4 . Ny XN fal , . \ 3 ar \ iO X\ évOabe eipt peta cov, cvyKauvev cot’ Kai amndOev. Kal LOov , a WV ? ‘4 wn / f . 3 ‘ Brérw Wrelotov byXov aToPAéTovTa TH Oewpia chodpa’ Kaya 9 a 3 f ow ’ hres eldov mpos Onpia pe KatadixacOeioay eOavpalov ort ovK 3 Y éBarrov pot avTad. Kal 7AVev mpds we AiyuTrios Tis dpoppos a a a / / \ TO OYXNMATL META THY VITOUPYOVVT@Y AUTO MAYNTOMEVOS LOL. KAL A f épyeTat Tpos pe veavias Tis evpophwtatos TO KddrEL eEacTpA- TTOV, Kal ETEPOL LET AUTOD VEeaviat Hpatot, VirnpéTat Te TTOVOA- \ 2? / ‘2 , \ 2 , BA . \ e otal éwot. Kal eEedvOny cal éyernOnv dppynv’ xai jpEavto ot ? ‘ , 3 ’ ? , cy 2 > , A AVTINNLTTOPES fLov EAaiw ME adELhety, wS EGOS EoTiv ev ayovt Kal avtixpus Bréer@ Tov Aiyvarioy éxeivov év TH KovLopT@ KUALO- pevov. &&nrOev OE Tis avnp Oavpactod peyébous, trepéyouv Tod a A 4 5 3 dkpov tov auileatpov, Stelwopévos éoOnta Ari eixev ov fe > a“ f wv \ f 3 \ ‘ > \ f ? \ povoy x TMV OVO Guwv THY TOpPYpay, GNAA Kat ava pécov ert a 3 , \ tov atHOous ciyev bé Kal Vrodnpata ToiKina éK ypuoiov Kab nx f apyupiov' éBactalev 5é xai paBdov ws BpaBevtys 7) Mpootatns f . oo” 4 \ ! \ ” a povopayav’ épepev 5é Kai Kradous yYAwpods EyovTas pha a, ‘ 2 \ , or . ® ¢ 2 7 ypuca’ Kab aiTnoas auyny yevécOar, ep’ OtTtos o Atyurrios 3N / / > a aA / . v4 % 3% , éay TAaVTHY viKnon avEehel avTHY payaipa’ ality dé éav viKnoy 24 t \ t a . a 2 t avTov ApeTat TOY KNabOY TODTOY’ Kal aTéaTH. TpoonOoper 9 mordv 19 deEorpévos
9,10 xd-yo ris elder] Kal ef ris UOer
22 mpoorarapy 26 relWerar
77
bod wu
25
17,18 Kowdtduevor
8 adtonitum] Cf. Tert. de Spectac. 25 pudicitiam ediscet attonitus in mimos? de Fug. 1 ecclesia in attonito est: de Idol, 24 tuta si cauta, secura si attonita. The sense is ‘keenly attentive.’
13 defrigere] Ihave kept the reading of A, as if may well represent a doublet of ‘defricare’: ef. ‘defrictus.’
14 afa] This is doubtless the same word as ‘haphe’: cf. Martial Epigr. vit. 67 Harpasto quoque subligata ludit, Ht flauescit haphe (é¢7): Senec. Ep. 57 a
ceromate nos haphe excepit (an athletic metaphor for a journey first through mud and then through dust—et luto et puluere laborauimus): Arrian Epictet. mr. 15. 4 wodAnv adi xarameiv (see Schweighauser’s note). It has been suggested that here ‘afa’ is for "BN; and indeed Hilgenfeld supposes a Punic original for the writings of Perpetua and Saturus: but no satisfactory evidence has been adduced for this view.
21 istum] ‘istud’ A. For the con-
78 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
mus ad inuicem, et coepimus mittere pugnos. ille mihi pedes adprehendere uolebat: ego autem illi calcibus faciem caedebam. et sublata sum in aere, et coepi eum sic caedere quasi terram non calcans. at ubi uidi moram fieri, iunxi manus, ut digitos in 5 digitos mitterem. et adprehendi illi caput, et cecidit in faciem ; et calcani illi caput. et coepit populus clamare, et fautores mei psallere. et accessi ad lanistam, et accepi ramum. et osculatus est me, et dixit mihi: Filia, pax tecum. et coepi ire cum gloria ad portam Sanauiuariam. et experrecta sum: et intellexi me ro non ad bestias, sed contra diabolum esse pugnaturam : sed scie- bam mihi esse uictoriam. hoc usque in pridie muneris egi: ipsius autem muneris actum, si quis uoluerit, scribat. XI. Sed et Saturus benedictus hanc uisionem suam edidit, quam ipse conscripsit. Passi, inquit, eramus, et exiuimus de 15 carne, et coepimus ferri a quattuor angelis in orientem, quorum manus nos non tangebat. ibamus autem non supini sursum uersi, sed quasi mollem cliuum ascendentes. et liberato primo mundo uidimus lucem immensam: et dixi Perpetuae: erat enim haec in latere meo: Hoc est quod nobis Dominus pro- 20 mittebat: percepimus promissionem. et dum gestamur ab ipsis quattuor angelis, factum est nobis spatium grande, quod tale fuit quasi uiridarium, arbores habens rosae et omne genus flores. altitudo arborum erat in modum cypressi, quarum folia canebant 2 uolebat; ego autem] querebat et ego B 3 aere] reB 3,4 quasi terram non calcans] BC; terram concaleans A 4 iunexi A*B; uinxi C manus]+ita BC 4,5 in digito B 5,6 om. et cecidit—caput B 6 fauisores A 7 om. et (tert.) B 8 cepit B 9 sanauiuaria A; saneuiuariam BC 10 a bestiis A; a bestia B om. esse B 11 esse uictoria A; uictoriam inminere BC hoc] hos A om. muneris B 12 om. ipsius—scribat B scribat]+ visio satvai A 14 quam]+et B 15 carne] carcere BC cepimus fieri B 16 tangebant-B 17 uwersus BC molle A glebam B 17,18 liberato primo mundo] A; liberati primum iam mundo B ; liberati primam iam C (Ruwin.) 18 dik perpetua B 18, 19 quoniam a latere nostro erat B; quoniam erat a latere nostroC 19 haec] hoc A dominus nobis B 21 grande] magnum B 22 arboris habens
rosa B; rosam C (Ruzin.) flores] A* ; floris A*B 23 altitudoj+autem B in] ad B canebant| conieci; cadebant AB; ardebant C
fusion of the terminations see Rénsch Perpetua elsewhere only uses the simple Iu. V. p. 276 (‘istum’ for ‘istud,’ and verb, The text moreover is confirmed ‘ipsud’ for ‘ipsum’). by Acta Iacobi dc. (Ruin. p. 226) cuius
4 non caleans] ‘concaleans’ A: but pedes terram non ealeabant. It is, how-
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
: a 3 n \ dé ddAndos Kal ApEducba tayKpatialew* Exelvos euovd Tovs a yh e] fel modas Kpateiv nBovrETO* éyo 5é NaKTicpacw THY OYrLy avTOD v ° + ddov * én > XN fF *% \ 2 / 7 \ ef érumtov’ Kal idov * éripa amo aépos* Kat ypEapny avtov ovTws lal a le) XN 3Q7 i TUrTew Os pr TatTovca THY yhv. iSodaa 5é ds ovdéera HKLGoV : Cal I / attov CedEaca Tas yeipds pov Kal daxtvAous SaxtvAOLs EuBa- la a a n / . ld x Av > Aovca THS Kehadhs avtovd éredaBounv’ Kat éppira avtov ér b) a \ ov a ¢ des Kal érratnoca THY Kehadny avTov. Kal npEaTo Tas 0 OXAOS an i“ ‘ cal ral Body’ Kai of omovdactai pov éyaupiov. Kai mpoondOov To Bpa- A . / \ > . Beuth Kal éraBov tov KAdbov' Kal jomdacaTo pe Kal eimev n 3 , vam! , ‘ Eipynvn peta aod, Ovyatep’ Kat npEaunv evOvs rropevecbar peta Sd \ , \ t 1 2 6g . \ d&ns pos MUAY THY Aeyonévny Cwrixyny. Kat eEvrrvicOnv’ Kat \ / / ¢ évonoa OTe ov mpos Onpia wot adda pds TOV SiaBorov éoT 7 A / / a \ écouevn wadyn’ Kal ovvnKa OTL ViKHOw avTOV. TavTa éws TPO A a al . \ a 3 f / plas THv piroTyudy eypapa* Ta év TO aupiedtpw yevnoomeva f 6 OéXov cvyypaato. \
XI. ’ANAd kcal 6 paKapios Latupos THy idiav omtaciav > \ é > ¢ a / > / fal 3 , "HS autos Ov éauTod cvyypawas épavépwoev ToLavTa eipnKads. N;
> a , dnaiv, Huey Ws TeTovOdTes Kai ex THS capKos éEeAnrAVOELpEY, Kal 3 / , ¢ \ , 3 + ‘\ > , npEauela BactalecOat vio Tecoapwy ayyé\wv mpos avaTonas, nw rd 6 3 \ Kal at YElpes NOY OVY HirTOVTO" ETropevoucba Sé Els TA avaTEpa, e@ fol , Kal ov~y UmTiot GNX olov ws Ss 6parfs avaBacews épepdpucOa. \ \ 2 / \ nA / lal , ” . Kal 87 éEeAOovtes TOv mpOTov Kocpov Pos NapmpoTatov eiSopev \ s n Kat eitrov impos THY Ilepretovay (mAgoioy yap pov jv)’ TodTé éoTw OTrep 6 KUpLoS HuaY ernyyeiAaTo’ pEeTEcAnpapmey THS érray- yerias. aiwpoupéven Sé nudy da TOV Tecodpwv ayyédov éyéveTo oTaotoy péya, O7rEp Woe KNTOS HY Exwv Podou bévdpa. Kab wav 4 A > / . \ Sa a é 5 > ¢ \ /, yévos TOV avOéwv’ TO bé Vrpos TOV Sévipwr Fv Wael KUTapiccoU
79
an
5 daxrddous] daxrddors
ever, doubtful whether we should retain ‘quasi.’
9 ad portam Sanauiuariam] Cf. infra, p- 90,1. 21. This stands in contrast to the ‘porta Libitinensis’ through which the dead bodies of gladiators were carried on the ‘libitina’: cf. Lamprid. Commod. 16 galea eius bis per portam Libitinen- sem elata est.
16 tangebat] The plural (BC) is an unnecessary correction: ef. p. 88, 1. 8 animam nostram, and p. 92, 1.20 in
10 jpEwper
25 éwpoupévay
eorum corpore.
17 liberato] For ‘liberare’ in the sense of ‘to pass’ cf. Petron. Sat. 186 necdum liberaueram cellulae limen, cum animaduerto &c, Other examples are given in Facciolati.
22 omne genus flores] The adjectival use of ‘omne genus’ is frequently found in Lucretius and Varro: so too ‘id genus’ and ‘quod genus.’
23 canebant] See above, p. 38.
80 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
sine cessatione. ibi autem in uiridario alii quattuor angeli fuerunt clariores ceteris: qui ubi uiderunt nos honorem nobis dederunt, et dixerunt ceteris angelis: Ecce sunt, ecce sunt: cum admiratione. et expauescentes quattuor illi angeli, qui ges- 5 tabant nos, deposuerunt nos: et pedibus nostris transiuimus stadium uiolatum: ubi inuenimus Iocundum et Saturninum et Artaxium, qui eadem persecutione wiui arserunt; et Quintum, qui et ipse martyr in carcere exierat; et quaerebamus de illis ubi essent. ceteri angeli dixerunt nobis: Venite prius, introite, 10 et salutate Dominum.
XII. Et uenimus prope locum, cuius loci parietes tales erant, quasi de luce aedificati; et ante ostium loci illius angeli quat- tuor stabant, qui introeuntes uestierunt stolas candidas. et introiuimus, et audiuimus uocem unitam dicentem: Agios, 8, agios,
15 agios: sine cessatione. et uidimus in eodem loco sedentem quasi hominem canum, niueos habentem capillos, et uultu iuuenili ; culus pedes non uidimus. et in dextra et in sinistra seniores quattuor; et post illos ceteri seniores conplures stabant. et in- troeuntes cum admiratione stetimus ante thronum: et quattuor
20 angeli subleuauerunt nos: et osculati sumus illum, et de manu sua traiecit nobis in faciem. et ceteri seniores dixerunt nobis: Stemus. et stetimus, et pacem fecimus. et dixerunt nobis seniores: Ite et ludite. et dixi Perpetuae: Habes quod uis. et dixit mihi: Deo gratias, ut quomodo in carne hilaris fui, hila-
25 rior sum et hic modo. .
XIII. Et exiuimus, et uidimus ante fores Optatum episcopum
1,2 fuerunt quattuor angeli alii B 2 ubijibi C (Ruin.) nos}-+ et BC (Ruin.) 3 dederunt]+nos A* om. ecce sunt (sec.) BC (Ruin.) 4 cum admiratione. et expauescentes] expauescentes cum admiratione BC (Ruin.) 4,5 gestabant nos] stabant BC (Ruin.) _ 8 pedimus A 6 uiolatum] conieci; uiolata A; uia lata B ubi] ibi B iucundum, satyrum, artaxium B 7 eadem persecutione] eandem persecutionem passi B 8 de] ab B 9 ubi essent ceteri. dixerunt autem nobis angeli B prius introite}] primum intro B 12,13 evant angeli quatuor (om. stabant) B 13 qui introeuntes uestierunt stolas candidas. et] introeuntes et nos uestiti stolas candidas B 14 introi- uimus]+et uidimus lucem inmensam B unitam] mutatam B dicentium B 14, 15 agius, agius, agius B 15 eodem loco] medio loci illius BC 17 sinistra] +eius B 18 quattuor] uiginti quattuor BC om. seniores B 18, 19 et in- troeuntes] introiuimus B 19 cum]+magnaB = admiratione]+et B 20 om. nosB 2lom.nobis(sec.)B 22 stetimus]stemusB 23 dixi Perpetuae] dixit per- petuaB 24 dixitmihijdixiB 24,25 hilariorem et hic (om.modo)B 26 obtatum A
PASSIO S, PERPETVAE,
LKOs, dxatatravoTws O€ KaTedépeTo Ta Sévdpa Ta PUAAG aUTa?. noav dé pe? judy év avT@ TO KyT@ oi Téooapes aryyedoL, GAXz- Awv évdokorepor, Up av epepoucba* mToovpevous Sé yyas Kat Oavpatlovtas * Kal avéOnxav, Kal avéXaBov' Kat odov * NaBovTes dif Oopev TO aradiov Tots jyetépots Trociv. éxel evpouev “Tov- xodvdov Kab Yatupov Kal ’Aptakiov, tos év alta TH Sioypo favtas Kkpewacbévtas’ eidopev 5é Koivtov tov paprupa tov év TH purakh arrobavovta’ éfnrodpev Sé Kat rept THv Nowmev rod dpa eiciv’ Kal etrrov of dryyehos mpos nuas’ Acdte mpétov tow iva aotacnade Tov KUptoy.
XII. Kat #A@opev wAnciov tod Torov éexeivov tov éyovTos toixous Gaavel éx dwrds @xodopnpévous, Kal Tpo THS OUpas Tob Tomou éxelvou eiaeAOovtes of Tésaapes ayyerou évédvoay nudas NevKds oToAds’ Kal elondAOopev Kai HKovoapev hovny nywpévny ANeyovt@v’ “Arytos, Aylos, aytos, axatatavotas. Kai ecldopev éy péowm Tod ToTou éexeivou KabeCopevoy os avOpwrov Todor’ ov at Tpixes bmorat YLdvos Kal veapov TO TpdcwToV avToOU' modas 6€ avTod ov eOcacapeOa. mpecBuTepor dé Técoapes ex deEidv Kal técoapes é& evwvipor joav avtod' oriaw Sé Tév Teccapwv TodXol TpecBUTepor. ws 5é Oavpatovtes ciaenNnrAvOa- pev kal éornpev évdtriov Tod Opdvov, ot Téaaapes Ayyedou errhpav nas, Kal epiryncapev avrov, Kal TF yetpl mwepiéhaBev Tas dyes nav’ ot S€ dowrol mpecButTepot elmov mpos Huds’ Yraddpev Kal eipnvotromnoavrTes amreaTahnpev vO
\ Kat
\ / Kal mpocevéd peda. TOY mTpecBuTépwv, AeyovTwv’ IlepevecOe Kal yaipecGe. eivrov’ Ile ja, & 0 éBovr Leivev’ Te Oed ya pmetova, éyes 0 éBovAov. Kai cimrev’ Te Ged yapis, iva, &s ev TapKl peTa Yapas éyevouny, TrElova YapS voy. XIII. "EEnAOopev 88 Kal cidouev pd tav Oupay ’Omrrarov
81
cn
10
mt nm
6 uiolatum] See above, pp. 39f.; and compare the rare word ‘uiolatio’ for the scattering of violets on graves: DIE PARENTALI MEO, ITEM XI. KAL. APR, DIE VIOLATIONIS, ITEM XII, KAL. IVNIAS DIE ROSATIONIS, Inscr. ap. Bibl. Vallicell. 26, p. 261 (quoted by White and Riddell).
9 ceteri angeli] Cf. ‘ceteris angelis,’ 1. 3. The reading of BC gives no clue to the meaning of ‘ceteri.’
14 Agios] For the survival of the Greek form of the Ter Sanctus, cf. S. Germain
R.
(+ 576), quoted by Duchesne Culte Chrét. p. 182: incipiente praesule ecclesia Aius psallit, dicens latinum cum graeco. We find both forms also in the Mozarabiec Liturgy.
15 sine cessatione] Cf. 1. 1. This phrase occurs several times in the Proper Prefaces of the Gothic Missal (Migne P. L. 72 pp. 231, 233, 277, 317).
21 traiecit nobis in faciem] For a possible interpretation of this difficult phrase see above, p. 27.
6
82 PASSIO S, PERPETVAE.
ad dexteram, et Aspasium presbyterum doctorem ad sinistram, separatos et tristes. et miserunt se ad pedes nobis, et dixe- runt: Componite inter nos, quia existis, et sic nos reliquistis. et diximus illis: Non tu es papa noster, et tu presbyter? ut s'uos ad pedes nobis mittatis? et moti sumus et conplexi illos sumus. et coepit Perpetua graece cum illis loqui: et segre- gauimus eos in uiridarium sub arbore rosae. et dum loquimur cum eis, dixerunt illis angeli: Sinite illos refrigerent; et si quas habetis inter uos dissensiones, dimittite uobis inuicem. et con- ro turbauerunt eos. et dixerunt Optato: Corrige plebem tuam ; quia sic ad te conueniunt quasi de circo redeuntes, et de factioni- bus certantes. et sic nobis uisum est quasi uellent claudere portas. et coepimus illic multos fratres cognoscere, sed et mar- tyras. uniuersi odore inenarrabili alebamur, qui nos satiabat. 15 tunc gaudens experrectus sum.
XIV. Hae uisiones insigniores ipsorum martyrum beatissi- morum Saturi et Perpetuae, quas ipsi conscripserunt. Secundu- lum uero Deus maturiore exitu de saeculo adhuc im carcere euocauit, non sine gratia, ut bestias lucraretur. gladium tamen
20 etsi non anima certe caro eius agnouit. XV. Circa Felicitatem uero, et illi gratia Domini eius-
2 nobis et] nostros B tate C non] nonne ©
2, 3 dixerunt]+ nobis B 4 illis]+optati B;. +op-
es papa noster] papa noster es B; pater noster es C ut] quid C 5 nobis] nostros BC moti sumus] misimus nos B 5,6 conpleximur illos (om. sumus) B 6 om. graece A 7 uiridario B 8 sinite illos refrigerent] quiescite et refrigerate BC (Ruin.) om. si B 10 ob- tato A; obtate B 11, 12 factionibus] BC; fatigationibus A 13 om. sed et B 18, 14 martiras A; martyres B 14 uniuersi] ubi B saciabat A; sanabit B 15 gaudens]+et B experrecta A 16 hae] Holst.; et AB insigniores] sunt in signo B 19 reuocauit B gladium] gaudium B 20 etsi] et B 21 ueroj]+nam B
1 presbyterum doctorem] The use of substantives in apposition instead of attributes is regarded by Sittl as specially African. See the examples which he gives (Lok. Versch. p. 110), e.g. ‘ex- hibitor magistratus’ in Arnobius. So we have above, p. 74, 1. 13 ‘miles optio praepositus carceris,’ and below, p. 84, 1, 6 ‘sociam quasi comitem,’
19 ut bestias lucraretur] By his death in prison Saturus ‘saved himself the beasts.’ Cf. Cic. Verr. 1. 1. 12 lucretur indicia ueteris infamiae (i.e. ‘I shall say nothing about them,’ ‘I shall make him a present of them’). A closer parallel is Ammian. Marcell. x1x. 4. 3 (speaking of the Trojan war): hinc cum decennali . bello Graecia desudaret, ne peregrinus
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE,
ee .? t \ t \ \ 2 Tov émiokotroy Kai “Aomaatov Tov mpecRiTepoy mpos Ta apt- oTEpa pépn Stakeywpiopévous Kal TreptAvTroUs.
\ XV ? € a ” ¢ om, t ct A \ mpos Tovds mobas nuav epacav nuiv' AtaddrAdEate nas pds GAHXouS OTe EEeANAVOATE Kai OUTWS Huds adyKaTe. Kal élTra- fev mpos avtovs’ Ovyt ov mamas nuétepos et, Kal od mpe- oButepos; iva ti oltas wpoceTmécate Tois Huetépois Tociv;
‘ f / ’ AY X v ¢€ Kat omrayyvicbévtes TepieAaBopev avTovs Kat okato % Tlepwerova ‘EAAnuar per avTav opmirciv, Kat avexwopnoaper
KL WEGOVTES
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\ > fal a J / \ 3 \ € t Tept avTav diroverxodvres. evouifouev 5é avdtovs ws Béreuv amrokAcioa, Tas TUAaS. Kal np~aueba exe ToAKOVS TOV adEA-
a > i > / s \ . fF . b] a \ fav ériywooKew, Gddaye Kal Tovs paptupas’ étpedoucba Sé TWAVTES OOH aveKOinyHT@ Hrs ovK éxyeptalev Huds: Kab edOéws yxaipov éEvrrvic Onv.
XIV. Abra: ai dpacess éuhavéctara: Tov paptipwv Larvpov kat Uleprerovas as av’tol cuveypaavto’ tov yap Yexobdvdov
/ 2 “a / 4 ¢ / . 2 \ A a TAXELOV EK TOU KOTpoV peTeTTéE“rraTo [6 Deds]* Ev yap TH puAaKy THS KAnoEws HELOn oY TH YapiTL TaVvTwS KEpddvas TO fH Onpiopayjoay’ wANY eb Kal pn THY WuynY adrrodvYE THY TdpKa avtTod dueEnnOev TO Eisos.
XV. “AAA cab th Byrcxnraty n yapis Tov Peod TovavTy
7 omdaxvnobévres 18 éou7] ws uh
satiabat 22 om. 6 Oeds
83
Lan
°
in) ry
20
25
ovx éxdprasev] forte legebat non
poenas dissociati regalis matrimonii lueraretur, i.e. ‘should escape the penalty of his outrage.’ Cf. Acts xxvii. 21 xep- bfjcal re Thy UBpw radbryy Kal THY Syulay, lucrique facere iniuriam hance et iacturam (Vulg.). The parallel therefore with Ignat. Rom. 3 évatuny rdv Onpiwv falls to the ground.
20 etsi non anima certe caro] I have
been unwilling to transpose ‘anima’ and ‘caro’ against all the MSS. The re-
ference to Le. ii. 5, supposed by the Greek translator who introduces dtet- “Oe for ‘agnouit,’ is not certain. The meaning seems to be ‘he escaped the beasts, but not the sword: his body, though not his soul, knew the sword’; and we may perhaps compare Matt. x. 28. He may have been beheaded in the prison; or ‘the sword’ may be a figure of speech for the sufferings which caused his death.
6—2
84 PASSIO S. PERPETVAE,
modi contigit. cum octo iam mensium uentrem haberet, (nam praegnans fuerat adprehensa) instante spectaculi die, in magno erat luctu, ne propter uentrem differretur; quia non licet praeg- nantes poenae repraesentari: et ne inter alios postea sceleratos
s sanctum et innocentem sanguinem funderet. sed et commar- tyres grauiter contristabantur, ne tam bonam sociam quasi comitem solam in uia eiusdem spei relinquerent. coniuncto itaque unito gemitu ad Dominum orationem fuderunt ante tertium diem muneris. statim post orationem dolores inuase-
rorunt. et cum pro naturali difficultate octaui mensis in partu laborans doleret, ait illi quidam ex ministris cataractariorum : Quae sic modo doles, quid facies obiecta bestiis, quas contemp- sisti cum sacrificare noluisti? et illa respondit: Modo ego patior quod patior; illic autem alius erit in me qui patietur
15 pro me, quia et ego pro illo passura sum. ita enixa est puellam, quam sibi quaedam soror in filiam educauit.
XVI. Quoniam ergo permisit et permittendo uoluit Spiritus Sanctus ordinem ipsius muneris conscribi, etsi indigne ad supple- mentum tantae gloriae describendae, tamen quasi mandatum
20 sanctissimae Perpetuae, immo fideicommissum eius exequimur, unum adicientes documentum de ipsius constantia et animi sublimitate. cum a tribuno castigatius eo tractantur, quia ex admonitionibus hominum wanissimorum uerebatur, ne subtra- herentur de carcere incantationibus aliquibus magicis ; in faciem
1 mensium] mensuum A; meti suum B 1, 2 nam praegnans fuerat] non pregnatus erat B 2 instante spectaculi die in magno] expectans expec-
taculum diem. Imago B 3 luctae C (Ruin.) uentre A differeretur A ; possit deferri B 3, 4 pregnantes penas presentari B alios] aliquos B 5, 6 commartyres]+eius B 7 comitantem B om, in B derelinquerent B 8 itaque]+et B gemito ad deum B fecerunt B 9 et statim B dolores}-++-eam B 10 naturali] natura B 11 catarectariorum A; cata- ractareorum B 12,13 om. sic A faties cum abiecta fueris B quia con- tempsisti et B 13 noluisti? et] uoluisti B dicens ego modo B 14 illic] ile B pro me patietur B 15 puella A 16 om, quaedam B filia A edocanit AB 17 promisit B 18 etsij ut si A indigne] B ; indigna A 19 describendae] describenti A; illorum describende B 20 exequamur B 21 continentiae et de anima B 22 tractanti A 22, 28 cum— quia] quia tribuno castiganti [-e C (Ruin.)] eos et male tractante, quoniam BC ammonitionibus A 23 uerberatur B
PASSIO S. PERPETVAE.
286 b] 4 \ a > . a ” / €600n. éxelvn yap cudAANPOEioa oKTa punvav Exovoa yaoTépa, mavu wdupeto, Stott ouK eEeoTtw éyKipova Onptopaxeiv i Timo- a tA ~ peioPat, pnmws voTepov peta Grwv dvociwv éxyvOn TO aipa b] fal X\ 3 fad 3 AY \ e U ? a I auTns TO aO@ov. adAG Kal of GUpMapTUPES AUTHAS TEpiAvVTrOL > 0 tf \ \ ‘oe \ p>) £ > ¢€ a jRoav opoopa oUT@ Kadny cuvepyov Kal Ooel cuVvodoiT por ev 68@ fol + oA > / \ f / \ / > THS avTHs édmtOos pur OérovTes KaTadeitrev. mpo Tpitns ovv