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THE

CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN;

FROM

THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL THE YEAR M.DC.XLVIII.

ENDEAVOURED

BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D.

I'REBENDAKY OF SARUM.

A NEW EDITION, IN SIX VOLUMES^

BY THE REV. J. S. BREWER, M.A.

VOLUME in.

OXFORD:

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. M.DCCC.XLV.

ho

THE

CHUECH HISTORY

OP

BRITAIN.

THE FIFTH BOOK,

CONTAINING THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.

FULLER, VOL. III. B

/v

Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive

in 2007 with funding from

IVIicrosoft Corporation

Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/1845churclihistor03fulluoft

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

LIONEL CRANFIELD,

EARL OF MIDDLESEX, BARON CRANFIELD OF CRANFIELD, &c.a

T. PAUL gave a great charge to Timotliy to bring the cloak ivJiich he left at Troas, but especially the 'parch- ments. Here ^Ye have the inventory ^ Tim. iv.

of a preacher's estate, consisting of a few clothes and books, what he wore, and what he had written. But the apostle's care was not so much concerned in his clothes (which might be bought new) as in his writings, where the damage could not be repaired.

«3-

a [This Lionel Craufield was the second earl of Middlesex, and his father, who bore the same name, was in great credit at court in the reign of James I., until his fall, and prosecution by the commons. " A gentle- " man he was by birth," says Dr. Hevlyii, " but had his " breeding in the city, (being " originally a merchant,) from " ij'hence by his own wit and

industry he preferred himself into the court, where he was first made master of the wardrobe, aftervv^ards master of the wards, and finally ad- vanced by the power and favour of the duke [of Buck- ingham], one of whose kins- Momen he had married, to the office of lord treasurer, and the honour of being made the first earl of Mid-

4 DEDICATION.

I am sadly sensible (tlioiigli far be it from me to compare scribbling with scripture) what the loss of a library (especially of manuscripts) is to a minister, whose books have passed such hands which made riddance of many, but havoc of more.

Was it not cruelty to torture a library, by maiming and mangling the authors therein? neither leaving nor taking them entire. Would they had took less, that so what they left might have been useful to me, or left less, that so what they took might have been useful to others. Whereas now, mischievous ignorance did a prejudice to me, without a profit to itself, or any body else.

But would to God all my fellow brethren, which with me bemoan the loss of their books, with me might also rejoice for the recovery thereof, though

dlesex. In this office he had disobliged the prince when he was in Spain, by dis- suading and diverting those large supplies which were required for the maintaining of his post in a foreign king- dom. And he had disobliged ' the duke, by joining in some secret practices to make him grow less and less in his ma- ■ jesty's favour. They had ' both served the turn of the ' commons, in drawing the ' king by their continual im- ' portunities to dissolve the ' treaty ; and the commons ' must now serve their turn ' in prosecuting this man to ' his tinal destruction. Which ' they pursued so effectually,

" that in the end he was sen- " tenced in the house of lords " to be deprived of the office " of lord high treasurer of " England,to be fined 50,000/., " and remain a prisoner in the " Tower during his majesty's " will and pleasure. It was " moved also to degrade him "from all titles of honour; " but in that the bishops stood " his friends, and dashed the " motion." Life of Laud, p. 122. Some account of this nobleman's father and family may also be found in The Worthies, &c. Art. London, p. 211. ed. fol. 1662, and more fully in Goodman's JMemoirS;, I. p, 296.]

DEDICATION. 5

not the same numerical volumes. Thanks be to your honour, who have bestowed on me (the treasure of a lord-treasurer) what remained of your father's library. Your father, who was the greatest honourer, and disgracer of students, bred in learning. Honourer, giving due respect to all men of merit: disgracer, who by his mere natural parts and experience acquired that perfection of invention, expression and judgment, to which those who make learning their sole study do never arrive.

It was a gift I confess, better proportioned to your dignity than my deserts, too great, not for your honour to bestow, but for me to receive. And thus hath God by your bounty equivalently restored unto me what the locusts and the jxilmer worm, 8fc. have devoured ; so that now I envy not the pope's Vatican, for the numerousness of books, and variety of editions therein, enough for use, being as good, as store for state, or superfluity for magnificence. How- ever, hereafter I shall behold myself under no other notion than as your lordship's library keeper, and conceive it my duty, not only to see your books dried and rubbed, to rout those moths which would quarter therein, but also to peruse, study, and digest them, so that I may present your honour with some choice collections out of the same, as this ensuing history is for the main extracted thence, on which account I humbly request your acceptance thereof;

whereby you shall engage my daily prayers for your

B 3

6 DEDICATION.

hapi)iness, and the happiness of your most noble consort.

I have read how a Roman orator, making a speech at the funeral of his deceased mother-in-law, af- firmed, that he had never been reconciled unto her for many years : now whilst his ignorant auditors condemned their mutual vindicativeness, the wiser sort admired and commended their peaceable dispo- sitions, because there never happened the least difference between them needing an agreement, as that bone cannot be set which was never broken. On which account, that never any reconciliation may be between yourself and other self, is the desire of

Your honour's most

Bounden beadsman,

THOMAS FULLER.

THE

CHURCH HISTORY

OF

BRITAIN.

BOOK V.

OD hath always been ambitious to pre-A.D. 1501. serve and prefer little things^ the Jews ^ viT"^

the least of all nations; David their p^^^. ^^^.^ kino^, least in his fathers family ; little ^^^^""'^^f}

o' ./ ^ ^ oreservedby

Benjamin the ruler ; little Hill q/cr«'d's pro- Hermon ; the Virgin Mary, the lowli7iess of thy handmaiden : God's children severally are styled his little mies, and collectively make up but a little fock. And surely it renders the work of grace more visible and conspicuous, when the object can claim nothing as due to itself. A pregnant proof hereof we have in divine Providence, at this time preserving the inconsiderable pittance of faithful professors against most powerful opposition. This handful of men were tied to very hard duty, being constantly to stand sentinels against an araiy of enemies, till God sent Luther to relieve them, and the work was

B 4

8 The Church History book v.

A. D.I 501. made lighter, with more hands to do it, as in the ' ViT."^^ sequel of our story, God willing, will appear. Mean- ■ time we must remember, that Henry Dean^ suc-

ceeded in the place of archbishop Morton, lately deceased, and enjoyed his honour but two years, then leaving it to William Warham, one well qualified with learning and discretion. Some burn- 2. Now it is no Small praise to Buckinghamshire, branded, that being one of the lesser counties of England, it fessionof°'had uiore martyrs and confessors in it, before the the truth, ^j^^^ ^^ L^^i^gj.^ t\\Mi all the kingdom besides : where AVilliam Tylsworth was burnt at Amersham^, (the A. D. 1506. rendezvous of God's children in those days,) and Joan his only daughter, and " a faithful woman, was " compelled with her own hands to set fire to her " dear father." At the same time sixty professors and above did bear faggots for their penance, and were enjoined to wear on their right sleeves, for some years after, a square piece of cloth, as a dis- grace to themselves, and a difference from others. But what is most remarkable, a new punishment was now found out, of branding them in the cheek. The manner thus*^: their necks were tied fast to a post with towels, and their hands holden that the] might not stir ; and so the hot iron was put to theii cheeks. It is not certain whether branded with L for Lollard, or H for Heretic, or whether it was only a formless print of iron, (yet nevertheless painful,) this is sure, that theij hare in their bodies the marks of the Lord Jesus^. And no doubt they had so well

" [He died at Lambeth, 15 Angl. p. 132.]

F'eb. 1503, and was succeeded b [Fox, Acts, &c. I. p. loio.]

by Warham, who was instaUed <• Fox, p. loii.

March 9, 1504. Parkeri An- ^Gal. vi. 17. liq. p. 450. Godwin Dc Prjcs.

CENT, XVI. of Britain. 9

learned our Saviours precept, that rather than they a. d. 1506.

22 H6nrv

would have revenged themselves by unlawful means, vii. to them* that smit them on the one clieeh^ they would have turned the other also^. Surely ecclesiastical consti- tutions did not reach thus far, as to impose any corporal torture : and whether there be any statute of the land that enjoins (not to say permits) such punish- ments, let the learned in the laws decide. This I am sure, if this was the first time that they fell into this (supposed) heresy, by the law they were only to abjure their errors ; and if it were the second time, upon relapse into the same again, their whole bodies were to be burnt. Except any will say, that such as by these bloody laws deserved death, were branded only by the favour of William Smith, bishop of Lin- coln ; and one may have charity enough to incline him to this belief, when considering the same Wil- liam (founder of Brasenose-college in Oxford) was generally a lover of learning and goodness, and not cruelly disposed of himself^. However, some of God's children, though burnt, did not dread the fire. And father Rever, alias Reive, though branded at the time, did afterwards suffer at a stake ^; so that the brand at the first did but take livery and seisin

e Matt. V. 39. minster, doctor of divinit}', and

f [Born at Farn worth in the incorporated in the same degree

parish of Prescot in Lancashire; at Oxford. In 1492 he was

educated either at Oriel or created bishop of Litchlield ;

Lincohi colleges, or perhaps in 1495 removed to Lincoln,

successively in both. Retiring and died in 1513- The in-

from Oxford for fear of the scription which was engraven

plague, he became fellow, and on his tomb, with an account

afterwards master of Pembroke of his benefactions, is printed

hall in Cambridge. About the in Wood's Athenae, I. p. 650.

same time he was made arch- See also Godwin de Prscsul.

deacon of Surrey, dean of the p. 299. 323.]

chapel, St. Stephen's, West- fFox^p. loii.

10 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1506. in his cheek, in token that his whole body should "vn."^ afterwards be in the free and full possession of

the fire. The cruel 3. They who desire further information of the Thomaf number and names of such as suffered about this ^^'''^^' time, may repair to the Acts and Monuments of Mr. Fox; only Thomas Chase of Amersham must not be here omitted, being barbarously butchered by bloody hands in the prison of Wooburne^. Who to cover their cruelty, gave it out that he had hano-ed himself, and in colour thereof, caused his body to be buried by the highways' side, where a stake knocked into the grave is the monument gene- rally erected for felons de se. Fear not those, saith our Saviour, inho kill the body, and afterwards ham no more that they can do: but these men's malice endeavoured to do more, having killed his body, to murder his memory with slanderous reports, although all in vain. For the prison itself did plead for the innocence of the prisoner herein, being a place so low and little, that he could not stand upright. Besides, the woman that saw his dead body, (a most competent witness in this case,) declared that he was so loaden with manacles and irons, that he could not well move either hand or foot. But we leave the full discussing, and final deciding hereof to Him M'ho makes inquisition for blood, at that day when such things as have been done in secret shall be made manifest. The pope 4. By this time we may boldly say, that all the

and kinj]^ /» 1 i

Henry vii. arrears or money due to the pope, for pardons in the

J' [" In the bishop's prison called Little Ease," says Fox, I. p. lOI I.]

(;ent. XVI.

of Britain. 11

year of Jubilee, five years since were fully collected, a. d. 1506.

22 Htjiirv

and safely returned to Rome by the officers of his ' vii. holiness, the lagging money Avhich was last sent share the thither came soon enough to be received there. WeJ^arSs^be- wish the sellers more honesty, and the buyers more '"'''' ^^^"" wisdom. Yet we envy Rome this payment the less, because it was the last in this kind she did generally receive out of England. Meantime king Henry the Seventh did enter common with the pope, having part allowed to connive at the rest*. Thus whilst pope and prince shared the wool betwixt them, the people were finely fleeced. Indeed king Henry was so thrifty, I durst call him covetous, not to say sordid, had he been a private man, who knowing what ticklish terms he stood upon, loved a reserve of treasure, as being (besides his claims of conquest, match, and descent) at any time a good title ad corroborandiim. (And we may the less wonder that this money was so speedily spent by his successor ; a great part thereof being gotten by sin, was sj)ent on

i [Parker's] Antiq. Brit. " the lady Katharine, iinding

[p. 452. But lord Bacon, in " the pope difficile in granting

his History of the reign of '^ thereof, doth use it as a prin-

Hen. VII. is of opinion that " cipal argument concerning

the king had no part in it. That '^ the king's merit towards that

writer speaks thus; "It was "see, that he had touched

" thought the king shared in " none of those deniers which

" the money. But it appeareth " had been levied by Pons

" by a letter which cardinal " [the pope's commissioner for

" Adrian, the king's pensioner, " effecting the exchange of

" wrote to the king from Rome " money for indulgences, &c.]

" some few years after, that " in England." p. 200. (Eng-

" this was not so. For this lish ed. 1629.) Archbishop

" cardinal being to persuade Parker's words, as referred to

" P. Julius on the king's be- by Fuller are, "At ne rex

*•' half to expedite the bull of " tantie fraudi obstaret pro-

" dispensation for the marriage " misit ci papa suae preedcs

" between prince Henry and " partem."]

12 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1508. sin.) Was it then charity or remorse, giving or 24^Henry j.gg^Q^.jj^g^ ^^-^^^ hereupon king Henry the Seventh founded the rich hospital of the Savoy in the Strand, with the finishing whereof he ended his own life. And it is questionable whether his body lies in more magnificence in that stately and costly tomb and chapel of his own erecting, or whether his memory lives more lastingly in that learned and curious history, which the lord Bacon hath written of his

reign ?

Henry 5. Heury the Eighth, his son, succeeded him%

ceedetirhis ouo of a bcautiful person, and majestic presence, father. iiisomuch that his picture in all places is known at the first sight. As for the character of his mind, all the virtues and vices of all his predecessors from the conquest may seem in him fully represented, both to their kind and degree, learning, wisdom, valour, magnificence, cruelty, avarice, fury, and lust ; fol- lowing his pleasures whilst he was young, and making them come to him when he was old. Many memorable alterations in church and state happened in his age, as, God willing, hereafter shall appear. A.D. 1509. 6. On the third day of June he was solemnly riethihe married to the lady Katharine dowager, formerly brother^"* wife to his brother prince Arthur, deceased. Two Arthur, popes took the matter in hand to discuss and decide the lawfulness thereof, Alexander the Sixth, and Pius the Third ; but both died before the business Mas fully effected ^ At last comes pope Julius the

^ [April 22, 1509.] ried. But archbishop Warham

' Sanders de schismate An- had so possessed the king

glicano, I. p. 2. [The first bull against it, that in June 27,

for contractmg this marriage 1505, the prmce by his father's

was obtained Dec. 26, 1503, command made a protestation

upon M'hich they were mar- against it, which he declared

CENT. xvr. of Britain. 13

Second, and by the omnipotency of his dispensation a. d. 1509. removed all impediments and obstructions against viii7

the laws of God or man hindering or opposing the said marriage. We leave them for the present wedded and bedded together, and twenty years hence shall hear more of this matter; only know that this marriage was founded in covetous consi- derations, merely to save money, that the kingdom might not be impoverished by restoring her dowry back again into Spain, though hereujion a greater mass of coin was transported out of the land, though not into Spain, into Italy™. Thus such who consult with covetousness in matters of conscience, em- bracing sinister courses to save charges, will find such thrift to prove expensive at the casting up of their audit ; however, divine Providence overruling all actions to his own glory, so ordered it, that the breaking off the pope's power, with the banishing of superstition out of England, is at this day the only surviving issue of this marriage.

7. The beginning of this king's reign was but Abjured barren (as the latter part thereof, some will say, wear fag- over-fruitful) with eminent church passages. And^°*^' therefore we will spare when we may, and be brief in the first, that we may spend when we should, in the larger description of his latter years. Cruelty

he did of his own accord. In Chronicle, f. ii.) " was much

April 22, 1509, Henry VII. " murmured against in the be-

died, and a consultation being " ginning, and ever more and

then held, the king was pre- " more searched out by learn-

vailed on that the match should " ing and scripture."] proceed, and accordingly on ™ |^Which was 200,000 du-

June the 3rd he was married cats, being the greatest portion

again publicly. (See Burnet's that had been given for many

Reformation, I. p. 71.) "This years with any princess. See

" marriage," (says Hall in his Burnet's Ref. I. p. 68.]

14 The Church History hook v,

A. D. 1509. still continued and increased on the poor Lollards ' vrn! (as they call them) after abjuration, forced to wear the fashion of a faggot wrought in thread, or painted on their left sleeves, all the days of their lives ; it being death to put on their clothes without that cognizance. And indeed to poor people it was true, put it off, and be burned, keep it on, and be starved ; seeing none generally would set them on work that carried that badge about them".

A. D. 151 1. 8. On this account William Sweting and James

Sweting . . i x • t i -r> ^

and Brew- Brcwstcr wero re-nnprisoned. In vam did J^rewstor plead that he was commanded to leave off his badge by the controller of the earl of Oxford's'' house, who was not to control the orders of the bishops herein p. And, as little did Sweting's plea prevail, that the parson of Mary Magdalene's in Colchester caused him to lay his faggot aside*!. These, like Isaac, first bare their faggots on their backs, which soon after bare them, they both being burned together in Smithfield. The papists report, that they proffered at their death again to abjure their opinions, the truth whereof one day shall appear. Meantime, if true, let the unpartial but judge which were most faulty, these poor men for want of constancy in ten- dering, or their judges, for want of charity in not accepting their abjuration.

A.D. 1514. 9. Richard Hunne, a wealthy citizen of London,

Decemb. 7. . . ^ J 1

Richard imprisoued in Lollard's tower for maintaining some murTered ^f WickUffc's opiuions, had his neck therein secretly

in Lollard's tower.

" [For an account of the q [" He was provoked to be

proceedings against them, see " the holy-water clerk, and in

Burnet's lief. I. p. 54.] "■ that consideration had that

o [John de Vere.] " infamous badge first taken

P Fox. Acts, &c. II. p. 12. '• away from him." Fox, ib.]

CENT. XVI. of Br it (mi. 15

broken'". To cover their cruelty, they gave it outA d. 1514. tliat he hanged himself; but the coroner's inquest vin7 sitting on him, by necessary presumptions found the impossibility thereof, and gave in their verdict, that the said Hunne was murdered. Insomuch that Par- sons hath nothing to reply, but that the coroners inquest were simple men, and suspected to be infected with Wickliffian heresies ^ But we remit the reader to Mr. Fox for satisfaction in all these things, whose commendable care is such, that he will not leave an hoof of a martyr behind him, being very large in the reckoning up of all sufferers in this kind.

10. Cardinal Bainbridge, archbishop of York, being a.d. 15 14. then at Rome, was so highly offended with Rinaldus Cardinal de Modena, an Italian, his steward, (others say his why poismt physician, and a priest,) that he fairly cudgelled him.^^^^^'""*"" This his passion was highly censured, as inconsistent with episcopal gravity, who should be no striker^. But the Italian shewed a cast of his country, and vnth. poison sent the cardinal to answer for his fact in another world, whose body was l^uried in the English hospital at Rome^.

^ [Fox, Acts, &c. II. p. 13. church, he was in 1505 made

Burnet's Reform. I. p. 27.] dean of Windsor and master

s Examination of Fox his of the rolls, in 1507 bishop of

Mart, for the month of De- Durham, and next year arch-

cemb. p. 279. 282. bishop of York. In 15 11 the

t I Tim. iii. 3. pope created him cardinal of

^ Godwin de Prses. Ang. S. Praxedis for the service

p. 700. [Christopher Bain- which the archbishop had ren-

bridge was born at Hilton dered him in persuading king

near Appleby in Westmoreland, Henry VIII. to take part with

educated in Queen's college, the pope in his wars against

Oxford, of which society he Lewis XII. of France. He

became provost. After hold- was succeeded by Wolsey.

ing several dignities in the See Wood's Athenae, I. p. 65 1 .]

16

The Church History

A.D. 15.6. 11. Richard Fox, bishop of Winchester, founded ^viii7 and endowed Corpus-Christi college in Oxford, be- The found, stowing thercon lands to the yearly value of four pulchrSi hundred and one pounds, eight shillings, and two college in pence^. And, whereas this foundation is charactered

Oxford. ^ ,j . . J

by an Oxford man to be ea,' onmwus ommmum, vet eerie ex minimis imwn^, at this day it acquitteth itself in more than a middle equij^age amongst other foundations. Erasmus is very large in the praise thereof, highly affected with a library, and study of tongues, which, according to the founder's will, flourished therein ; insomuch that for some time it was termed. The college of the three learned languages.

Est locus Oxonii, possum appellare trilingue Musseum, a Christi Oorpore nomen habensX.

Sure I am, that for all kind of learning, divine and human, this house is paramount for eminent persons bred therein.

Presidents.	Bishops.	Beiiefactws,	Learned writers.
1516. John Claymond.	Cardinal	Hugh Oldham,	George Ethe-
1537. Robert Morwent.	Poole.	bishop of Ex-	ridgea.
1558. William Cheadsey.	John Jewel.	eter.	[John Jewell.]
1559. William Bntcher.		John Clay-	[John Rey-
1561. Thomas Greneway.		mond, first	nolds.]
1568. WiUiam Cole.		president.	Richard Hook-
1598. John Raynolds.		Mr. [Robert]	er.
1607. John Spencer.		IMorwent, [se-	Brian Twyne,
16 [4. [Thomas] Anian.		cond presi-	the industri-
1629. [John] Holt.		dent.]	ous antiquary
1630. [Thomas] Jackson.		William Frost.	of Oxford.
1640. [Robert Newlin.]		Mrs. Moore.	Dr. Jackson.
1648. [Edmund] Stan-		Dr. John Ray-
ton.		nolds. Sir George Paul, knight.

w Godwin in the bishops of of Colleges, &c. I. p. 382.] Winchester, p. 297. [Wood's x PJtzaeiis de Acad. Oxon. Annals., vol. II, p. 7. History p. 36.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 17

So that a president, twenty fellows, twenty scholars, a. 0.151 6. two chaplains, two clerks, and two choristers, be- viii.^ sides officers and servants of the foundation are therein maintained, which with other students, anno 1634, made up threescore and ten.

12. This Hugh Oldham, m the front of bene- ^"8^ oid-

ham his

factors, because he was bishop of Exeter, for names- bounty. sake intended his bounty to Exeter college. But, suffering a repulse from that society, (refusing at his '^request to make one Atkin a fellow,) diverted his liberality to Corpus-Christi college ; so bountiful thereunto, that, as founder is too much, so bene- factor is too little for him. He was one of more piety than learning, courteous in his deeds, but very harsh and rugged in his speeches, making himself but bad orations, yet good orators, so many eloquent men were bred by his bounty. Nor let it be for- gotten, that as Fox, the founder of this house, was fellow and master of Pembroke hall, so Oldham also had his education in Queen's college in Cambridge*^;

y John White^ [Diacosio- " dissuaded bishop Fox what

martyrion, p. 86. ed. 1553-] " he could from that his pur-

z [Wood reckons twelve bi- " pose and opinion, and said

shops to 1782.] " unto him ; ' What, my lord,

a See more of him anno " shall we build houses and

1584. " provide livelihoods for a

^ Godwin in the bishops of " company of bussing monks,

Exeter, p. 473. [Holinshed, "■ whose end and fall we our-

p. 839. The same writer gives " selves may live to see ? No,

the following account of Old- " no, it is more meet a great

ham's benefaction. " Bishop " deal that we should have

" Fox was of the mind and " care to provide for the in-

" determination to have made " crease of learning, and for

" the college for religious men. " such as who by their learning

" But bishop Oldham (whether " shall do good in the church

" it was because he favoured " and commonwealth.' "p. 840.]

" not those sects of cloistered c See Jo. Scot his tables. [At

" monks, or whether he foresaw the end of Isaacson's chrono-

" any fall toward of those sects) logy.]

FULLER, VOL. III. C

18 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1516. so much hath Oxford been behokling to her nephew's ' viTi'/ or sister's chikh-en. But as once Ephron said to Abraliani, What is that hetwidd thee and me'^f so, such their mutual affection, it matters not what favour one sister freely bestoweth on the other. A.D. 1519. 13. John Colet, dean of Paul's, died this year, in The death the fifty-third year of his age, of a pestilential Colet!" sweating, at Shene in Surrey. He w^as the eldest (and sole surviving) child of sir Henry Colet, mercer, twice lord mayor of London, who with his ten sons and as many daughters are depicted in a glass window on the north side of St. Anthony's, (corruptly St. Antlin's,) to which church he was a great benefactor ''. His son John founded the free-' school of St. Paul's, and it is hard to say, whether he left better laws for the government, or lands for maintenance thereof. Founder of 14. A frce-scliool iiidecd to all natives or foreign- school, ers of what country soever, here to have their edu- cation, (none being excluded by their nativity, which exclude not themselves by their unworthi- ness,) to the number of one hundred fifty and three, (so many fishes as were caught in the net by the apostles %) whereof every year some appearing most pregnant (by unpartial examination) have salaries allowed them for seven years, or until they get better preferment in the church or university. Themer- 15. It mav sccm falsc Latin, that this Colet

cers made . .

overseers bciiig dean of St. Paul's, the school dedicated to

thereof.

^ Gen. xxiii. 15. surviving Avhen Erasmus knew

^ Stow's Survey. [Accord- him. See Knight's Life of

ing to Erasmus, he had eleven Colet.] sons and eleven daughters, yet ^ John xxi. x i .

John Colet was the only one

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 19

St. Paul, and distanced but the breadth of the street a.d. 1519.

II Henry

from St. Paul's church, should not be entrusted to viii.

the inspection of his successors, the dean and chapter of Paul's, but committed to the care of the company of the mercers for the managing thereof. But Erasmus^ rendereth a good reason, from the mouth and mind of Colet himself, who had found by- experience many laymen as conscientious as clergy- men in discharging this trust in this kind, conceiving also that whole company was not so easy to be bowed to corruption as any single person, hoAV eminent and public soever.

16. For my own part, I behold Colet's act herein, Out of pro- not only prudential, but something prophetical, as science. foreseeing the ruin of church lands, and fearing that

this his school, if made an ecclesiastical appendant, might in the fall of church lands get a bruise, if not lose a limb thereby.

17. William Lily was the first schoolmaster w. Liiy thereof, by Colet's own appointment. An excellent master, scholar, born at Odiham in Hampshire, and afterward

he went on pilgrimage as far as Jerusalem : in his return through Italy he applied himself to his studies 8". And because some perchance would be pleased to know the Lilies of Lily, (I mean his teachers and instructors,) know that John Sulpitius and Pomponius Sabinus, two eminent critics, were his principal informers. Returning home into his native country well accomplished with Latin, Greek, and all arts and sciences, he set forth a grammar,

f In his Epistle unto Jodo- this letter he gives a general Gus Jonas. [Epistolaj XV. 14. account of Colet's life.] p. 697. ed. Lond. 1642. In ? Pitz in Vita, p. 697.

c2

20

The Church History

BOOK V.

His gram- mar often printed.

A.D. 1 5 19. which still goes under his name, and is universally

"viiT^ taught all over England '^.

18. JVIany were the editions of this grammars the first set forth anno 1513, (when Paul's school was founded,) as appears by that instance, meruit sub rege in Gallia, relating to Maximilian the German em- jicror, who then at the siege of Therovenno in Flanders fought under the banner of king Henry the Eighth, taking an hundred crowns a day for his payj. Another edition anno 1520, when audito rege Doroherniam prqficisci, refers to the king's speedy journey into Canterbury, there to give enter- tainment to Charles the fifth emperor, lately landed at Dover.

h [He was a demy of IMag- dalen college Oxford in i486, being then eighteen years of age. Having taken his degree, he travelled abroad, and be- sides visiting Jerusalem, on his return made some stay at Rhodes, where he probably acquired a proficiency in the Greek language. He Avas ap- pointed to the head-mastership of St. Paul's school in 15 12, which he immediately raised to such a reputation^ that Eras- mus in one of his letters, (dated 1 5 14,) speaking of the progress of a lad entrusted to his charge to educate in Latin, observes : " Illud audacter affirmabo, il- " limi plus scire Latinitatis " quam fuerit in ulla schola, " ne Lilianam quidem excipio, " triennio consecuturus." (E- pist. p. 436.) He was upon terms of the greatest intimacy with the celebrated sir Thomas

More, who in one of his letters addressed to dean Colet says ; " I pass my time with Gro- " cine, Linacre, and Lillie : " the first being as you know " the director of my life in " your absence, the second the " master of my studies, the " third my most dear com- " panion." More's Life of sir Thomas More, p. 24. ed. 1726. Lily died of the plague in 1522-3, and was buried in the north yard belonging to the cathedral church of St. Paul's. His epitaph, which was en- graven on a brass plate, and fixed near the great north door of St. Paul's, is quoted by Ful- ler in his Appeal, part 11.

p. 56.]

i [See an account of this and his other works in Wood's Athenae, I. 16.]

J Godwin's Annales, p. 18. [ed. 1653.]

CENT. XVI. uf Britain. 21

19. Formerly there were in England almost as a. d. 15 19. many grammars as schoolmasters, children being viii.'^ confounded not only with their variety, but some- And \n-\xi- times contrariety thereof, rules being true in the one a'lfth'o'ity. which were false in the other. Yea, which Mas the worst, a boy when removed to a new school lost all

he had learned before : whereupon king Henry en- deavoured an uniformity of grammar all over his dominions; that so youths, though changing their schoolmasters, might keeji their learning. This was jierformed, and William Lily's grammar enjoined universally to be used. A sti2)end of four pounds a year was allowed the king's printer for printing of it, and it was jienal for any publicly to teach any other. I have been told how lately bishop Buckeridge examining a free-school in his diocese of Rochester, the scholars were utterly ignorant of Lily's rules, as used to others ; whereat the bishop exclaimed, What ! are there puritans also in grammar J ?

20. I deny not but some since have discovered since blasted leaves in our Lily, observing defects and by many. faults therein ; and commendable many persons' pains

in amending them ; however it were to be desired, that no needless variations be made, and as much left of Lily as may be : the rather, because he sub- mitted his syntaxis to the judgment of Erasmus himself, so that it was afterward printed amongst his worksk. Indeed Quae genus was done by Thomas Robinson, and the Accidens (as some will have it) by other authors, after Lily was dead, and prince

J [In 1530 the convocation shortly after "by the king's

finding that uniformity in this " jiroclaniation the matter was

matter had not been effected, " generally effected." 8ce the

passed an act enjoining obedi- A])pea], 6v:c. part 11. p. 56.]

ence to the king's wishes, and ^ Pitz. ib. 697.

c 3

22 The Church History book v.

A. D. IS 19. Edward born, of and for wliom it was said, Ed- ^\m.^ vardus is my proper name'. And thus we take

our leave both of Lily and Paul's school, flourishing

at this day as much as ever, under the care of IMr.

John Langly, the able and religious schoolmaster

thereof. A. D. 1521. ^i Kmcr Henry had lately set forth a book against

Kinglieiirv ° "^ . „ , . . .

writes ■ Luther, endeavourmg the confutation ot Ins opniions

Luther, as uovel and unsound. None suspect this king's

lack of learning (though many his lack or leisure

from his pleasures) for such a design ; however it is

probable some other gardener gathered the flow^ers,

(made the collections,) though king Henry had the

honour to wear the posy, carrying the credit in the

title thereof'".

Styled by 22. To requite his pains, the pope honoured him

Defender of and liis succcssors with a specious title, a Defender

the Faith. ^^ ^j^^ Faith". Indeed it is the bounden duty of

1 IPropria quce maribus, and of Fislier, that it was generally

As in prcEsenti, with the Eng- supposed to have been written

iish interpretation, were added by that prelate; Life, p. 38.

and published by John Rit- ed. 1739; who undertook the

wise, Lily's successor, about defence of it against the viru-

1530. Wood, ib.] lent answer of Martin Luther,

™ [" Assertio septem sacra- in a work entitled : " Defen-

" mentorum adversus Martin. " sio regise assertionis contra

" Lutherum, eedita ob invictis- " Babylonicam captivitatem."

" simo Angliaj et Francise Colon. 1525, and Antw. 1523.

" rege, et do. Hyberniae Hen- according to Strype's IMem. I.

" rico ejus nominis octavo." 40.]

Printed by Pynson, July 1 2th, " [This was by no means a 1521. Pope Leo X. was so new title, the same having well satisfied with this demon- been used by pope Julius IL stration of Henry's loyalty to to Henry VII. (Fox, II. p. 6.) the catholic church, that he and by the university of Ox- granted to all the readers of it ford in their address to Henry an indulgence for ten years, and V. in 141 4. See Wilkins' Con- as many quadragence, (spaces of cil. vol. III. p. 360. See also forty days ; I suppose Lent.) Spelman's Glossary on the But Hall states in his Life word Advocatus.']

CENT. XVI. of Jiritai)!. 23.

every Christian, cmmestly to contend for the faith a.y). 1^21.

1 • 1 • I ' li'i'iiTk'^ Henry

which once was given to tlie saints^, but it is tlie dig- 'vm. iiity of few men, and fewer princes, to be able"" effectually to appear in print in the vindication thereofP.

23. There is a tradition, that king Henry's fool His jester's (though more truly to be termed by another name) coming into the court, and finding the king trans- ported with an unusual joy, boldly asked of him the cause thereof, to whom the king answered, it was because that the pojie had honoured him with a

style more eminent than any of his ancestors ; " O " good Harry," quoth the fool, " let thou and I defend " one another, and let the faith alone to defend ** itself." Most true it is, that some of his successors more truly deserved the title than he to whom it was given : who both learnedly, then solidly engaged their pens in the asserting of true religion.

24. At this time, though king Henry wore the Woisey his sword, cardinal Woisey bare the stroke all over the power ami laiidi; being legate de latere^ by virtue whereof he^"'''^' visited all churches and religious houses, even the

friars observants themselves, notwithstanding their stoutness and stubbornness that first opposed him''.

o Jude, ver. 3. Hist, of Ref. I. p. 39, says that

P [Burnet's Ref. I. p. 37. Woisey obtained a bull from

63.] Rome for this purpose, by vir-

q [" For although the king tue of which he intended to " bore the sword, yet he (Wol- visit and suppress the niona- " sey) bare the stroke, making steries, and convert them into " in a manner the whole realm bishoprics, cathedrals, colle- " to bend at his beck, and to giate churches, &c. And though " dance after his pipe." Fox, he was diverted from this de- Acts, &c. II. p. 243.] sign for fear of the scandal it

r Fox, Acts, <^c. II. p. 243. would cause, "yet he commu-

[Hall's Chron. in Hen. VIII. " nicated his design to the

f. 35. Bishop Curnct iu his " king, and his secretarv Crom-

c 4

21ie Church History

BOOK V.

A.D. IS2I. Papal and royal power met in liim, being the chan- 'Vhl ^ cellor of the land, and keeping so many bishoprics

in cojumetidam, his yearly income is said to equal if

not exceed the revenues of the crown^ He was the 25. The more the pity, that having of his own found'er'of such a flock of prefeiTOont, nothing but the poor ^^^^^'- man's ewe lamb* would please him ; so that being to found two colleges, he seized on no fewer than forty small monasteries, turning their inhabitants out of house and home, and converting their means prin- cipally to a college in Oxford. This alienation was confirmed by the present pope Clement the Seventh,

" well understanding it, was " thereby instructed how to " proceed afterwards when they " went about the total sup- " pression of the monasteries." The disorders committed, or said to be committed by Dr. Allen and Cromwell in the suppression of these mona- steries, was one great cause of Wolsev's fall, and formed a chief article of his impeach- ment. See Wolsey's Letter in his own defence to the king, and Knight's Letter to Wol- sey. State Papers, vol. I. pp. 153. 266. In this letter the writer says ; " 1 have heard " the king and noblemen " speak incredible things of " the acts of Mr. Alayn and *' Cromewell." Of Dr. Allen, see Fox, Acts, &c. II. p. 243. Cromwell's conduct and that of his agents in this transaction will ever be a blot on his me- mory.]

s [" He was first made " bishop of Tournay when that " town was taken from the

" French (Oct. 1513.) then he '' was made bishop of Lincoln " which was the first bishopric " which fell void in this king- " dom, after that upon cardinal " Bambridge his death he " parted with Lincoln and was " made archbishop of York, " then Hadrian that was a " cardinal and bishop of Bath " and Wells being deprived, " that see was given to him; " then the abbey of St. Albans " was given to him (71 com- " mendam ; he next parted " with Bath and Wells and got " the bishopric of Durham " which he afterwards ex- " changed for the bishopric of " Winchester ; but besides all *' that he had in his own hands, " the king granted him a full " power of disposing of all the " ecclesiastical benefices in Eng- " land, which brought him in " as much money as all the " places he held." Burnet's Reform. I, p. 16. Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 87, 96.] t 2 Sam. xii. 13.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 25

so that in some sort his holiness may thank himself a. d. 1524.

16 Henry

for the demolishing of religions honses in England", viii.

26. For the first breach is the greatest in effect : a precedent and abbeys having now lost their virginity, (diverted [E'ved.^ by the pope to. other,) soon after lost their chastity, prostituted by the king to ordinary uses. And now

the cardinal was busied in building his college, con- sisting of several courts, whereof the principal is so fair and large, it would have equalled any prince's palace, if finished according to the design, all the chambers and other offices being intended suitable to the magnificent hall and kitchen therein^.

27. Indeed nothing mean could enter into thiswoiseya man's mind, but of all things his structures werebhiger. '' most stately. He was the best harbinger that ever

king Henry had, not only taking up beforehand, but building up beautiful houses for his entertainments, which when finished, as White-hall, Hampton-court, &c., he either freely gave them to the king, or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations^.

'^ [Who granted liim a bull, " the archbishop in the riglit of

April 3, 1524, to suppress the " the see of York, and then

monastery of S. Frideswide in " called York place. But the

Oxfordj which was followed by " king's palace at Westminster

many other bulls for other re- " being lately burnt, and this

ligious houses and rectories " house much beautified by the

that were impropriated. They " cardinal, the king cast a

are mentioned in Wood's Hist. " longing eye upon it ; and

of Colleges, I. p. 414. sq. See " having attainted the cardinal

Burnet's Ref. I. p. 45.] "in a pnvmiinire, he seized

V [Wood's Annals, vol. II. " upon this house with all the

p. 23. Hist, of Coll. I. 414.] " furniture thereof, as a part

■w [" That Hampton Court " of the spoil. Which when

" was either freely given by " he found he could not hold,

" Wolsey or otherwise ex- " as being the archbishop's

" changed on very reasonable " and not the cardinal's, he

" terms, I shall grant as easily ; " sent an instrument unto him

" but Whitehall was none of "to be signed and sealed., for

" his to give, as belonging to " the surrendry of his title

26

The Church History

HOOK V.

A.D. 1524. 28. Some say he intended this his colleo^e to be an

16 Henry . , . . .

VIII. university in an university, so that it should have His vast therein by itself professors of all arts and sciences : unk^w^.^ hut we may believe that all these go but by guess, as not knowing the cardinal's mind, (who knew not his own,) daily embracing new designs of magnificence on the emergency of every occasion. Yet let not the greatness of his buildings swallow up in silence the memory and commendable devotion of Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, who founded Can- terbury college, taken in with this cardinal's un- finished foundation.

29. However, too tart and bitter was the ex- pression of Rodulphus Gualterus, a German, who comparing the cardinal's project with his perform- ance, said of him, instituit collegium ct ahsolvit popi- nam, "he began a college and built a kitchen''." For had he not been civilly defunct, before naturally dead, not a pane of glass, nor peg of wood had been wanting in that edifice.

30. More wit than truth was in another's return, who being demanded what he thought concerning the ampleness of this foundation, made this homo- nymous answer, Fundatione niliil amplius, " There is

An over- tart sar- casm.

A second somewhat milder.

and estate therein ; and not content to have forced it from him, the cardinal ho- nestly declaring his inability to make good the grant, he caused the dean and chapter of York to confirm the same unto him under their com- mon seal in due form of law ; which being obtained and much cost bestowed upon the house, he caused it to be called Whitehall ; gratifying

" the archbishops of York with " another house belonging then " to the see of Norwich, and " now called York-house." Heylyn in " The Ap])eal" iS:c. p. ii. p. 57. See Stow's Survey of London, edition by Strype, vol. II. p. 669, from whom the above remarks appear princi- pally to have been derived.]

X [Fox, Acts, &c. A^ol. II. P- 303-]

CENT. XVI. qf'Brttain, 27

" nothing more (or more stately) than this fonnda-A.D. 1524. " tion ;" whereas indeed had not he himself been viii.

unexpectedly stripped of his estate, he had left more and better lands to this house, than king Henry conferred upon them, who conceiving church means fittest for Christ-church, exchanged many of their best manors for impropriations.

31. This college did thrice change its name in Three

T, T 1 names to

seven years, accountmg it no small credit thereunto, one college. that it always ascended, and was advanced in every alteration ; first called Cardinal's college, then King's college, and at last Christ's Church, which it retain- eth at this day.

32. King Henry took just offence that the car- The pride dinal set his own arms above the king's, on the cardinal gate-house, at the entrance into the college^. This oiherL*^ ^ was no verbal, but a real ego et rejj mens, excusable

by no plea in manners or grammar ; except only by that (which is rather fault than figure) a harsh down- right hysteresis ; but to humble the cardinal's pride, some afterwards set up on a window a painted mastiff dog^, gnawing the sjDade-bone of a shoulder of

y [Wake's] Rex Platonicus, *' inannor of Richmond i" Fox,

p. 44. Acts, &c. II. p. 244. Dr.Fiddes

2 Idem, p. 45. [But Wake however, in his Life of Cardinal

states that Wolsey himself Wolsey, p. 5, discredits the

placed it there : " quasi nee tale of the cardinal being a

"^ sui immemor, nee parentelae butcher's son : and observes

" pudens." A similar reproach upon this passage of our au-

was also cast upon Wolsey on thor, that " there is now over

another occasion. The king " one of the windo^\•s in the

licensing him to " lie in his " front of Christ Church di-

" mannor of Richmond" upon " rectly over the cardinal's

his resigning Hampton Court, " arms a dog gnawing a bone

the common people, and such as " but not the spade-bone of a

had seen how much Henry VII. " shoulder of mutton. Yet

esteemed that place, exclaimed, " that figure seems to be placed

'■■' See a butcher's dog lie in the " there by mere accident, there

28

The Church History

BOOK V.

A.D. 1524. mutton, to mind the cardinal of his extraction, being

' vii'i"^ the son of a butcher, it being- utterly improbable

(that some have fancied) that that picture was placed

there by the cardinal's own appointment, to be to

him a monitor of humility.

Deam.	Bishops.	Benefactors.	Learned writers.
1524. John Hygdon."	Richard Cox,	Otho Nichol-	Sir Philip Sid-
Dr. BJoore.b	bishop of Ely.	son, one of	ney.
1532. John Oliver.	Thomas God-	the examin-	Sir Walter
1546. Richard Coxe.	wyn, bishop	ers of the	Raw ley.
1553. Richard Martial.	of Bath and	chancery,	William Cam-
1559. George Carew.	Wells.	bestowed	den.
1561. Thomas Sampson.	Thom. Cooper,	800/. in	Robert Gomer-
1565. Thomas Godwyn.	bishop of	building	sall.
1567. Thomas Cooper.	Winchester.	and fur-	John Gregory.
J 5 70. John Piers.	John Piers,	nishing a	— Cartwright.
1576. Toby Mathew.	archbishop of	fair library.
1584. William James.	York.
1594. Thomas Ravys.	Heri)ert West-
1605. John Kyng.	phaling, bi-
1611. William Goodwyn.	shop of He-
1620. Richard Corbet.	reford.
1629. Brian Dtippa.	W^illiam James,
1638. [Samuel] Fell.	bishop of Dur-
1648. Edward Reynolds.	ham.
1 65 1. John Owen.	Thomas Ravys, bishop of Lon- don. John Kyng, bi- shop of Lon- don. Rich. Corbet, bishop of Nor- wich.
	William Piers, bis]io])ofBatli and "\^^ells. Brian Duppa, bishop of Sa- lisbury.c

" being upon the same conti- " nued line with it several " other antics at proper dis- " tances, intended according to " the architecture at that time " for the greater decoration of " the building." See also Ca- vendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 66, n. (ed. by Singer, 1827.)]

3- [See the letters-patent of the king appointing John Hyg- don to the office of dean in this college, and John Roper, John Cottisford, Richard Croke, Richard Current, and William Fresham, as professors of tlieo- logy ; Robert Carter, John Hastings, Thomas Conner, Ed-

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 29

Here I omit the many eminent writers still sur- a. 0.1524. viving, Dr. Meriek Casaubon, and Dr. George viii.

JNIorley, both no less eminent for their sound judg- ments than patient sufferings ; Dr. Barton Holiday, and Dr. Jasper Main, who have refreshed their severer studies with poetry, and sallies into pleasant learning, with many more in this numerous founda- tion. Beholding, as for his wealth to king Henry the Eighth, so for a great part of the wit and learning thereof to his daughter queen Elizabeth, whose schoolboys at Westminster become as good schoolmen here, sent hither (as to Trinity college in Cambridge) by her appointment ; so that lately there were maintained therein, one dean, eight canons, three public professors of divinity, Hebrew, and Greek, an hundred and one students, eight chap- lains, eight singing men, an organist, eight choristers, twenty-four almsmen ; at this present students of all sorts, with officers and servants of the foundation, to the number of two hundred twenty-three.

33. Know that John Hygdon, first dean of this Perse- cution in college, was a great persecutor 01 poor protestants,tiiecaidi-

as by the ensuing catalogue will appear. jege^

d John Gierke. Bayley.

John Frythe. t John Friar. Henry Sumner. Goodman.

ward Leyghton, Henrj' Wii- in Wood's Hist, of Colleges,

lyams, John Robyns, and Ro- I. p. 437-]

bert Wakefeld, "bachelors of c [Wood reckons seventy- five

theology, as secular canons, bishops to the year 1783.]

18 July, [1532.] Cat. of Tran- ^ Such whose names are

scripts for the FcEdera,p. 174.] noted with a cross, did after-

^ [Moore's name is not men- wards turn zealous papists, tioned amona; the list of deans

30 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1524. f Nicholas Harman. [Thomas] Lawney.

i6^Hejyry | Michael Drummed. Eichard Cox^.

William Bettes^. Richard Taverners.

All these were questioned for their religion, being- cast into a prison in a deeji cave under ground, where the salt iish of the college was kept, the stench whereof made some of them to die soon after, and others escaped with great difficulty. Taverner was excellently skilled in music, on which account he escaped, though vehemently accused, the cardinal pleading for him, that he was but a musician, though afterward he repented, to have set tunes to so many popish ditties^. Christ 34. We must not forget that all in the foresaid

colony of Catalogue, whose Christian names are expressed, Sen,^"*^^^ were originally Cambridge men, and invited by the cardinal on promise of preferment, to plant his new foundation; besides Florence, a Dominican, John Akars, and many more famous for their learning, which at this time removed to Oxford, seasoned both with good learning and true religion ^ Woisey's 35. Kuow also this, John Hygdon, first dean, was

pi'ide in his servants.

d [Strype calls him John. p. 3, 4, Parker, 5.] Life of Parker, p. 6 ; so also '' [Fox, Acts, &c. II. p. 304.] does Cains De Antiq. Cantab. ' Caius de Antiq. Cant,

p. 202.] Acad. [p. 202. ed. 1568.

^ [A zealous protestant, af- Among those who were in-

terwards chaplain to Anna vited to this college were the

Boleyn. He died about 1533 celebrated archbishops Cranmer

or 1534, and was succeeded by and Parker, then students and

archbishop Parker. Strype's at Cambridge : see Strype's

Parker, p. 7.] Cranmer, p. 3. Parker, p. 5.

^ [Afterwards bishop of Ely.] And besides them Bernard Gil-

? [A short account of each of pin, who removed to Christ

these persons is given by Fox, Church from Queen's college.

in his Acts, &c. II. p. 303. See Carleton's Life of Gilpin

See also Strype's Cranmer, in init.]

CENT. XVI. of Brit am. 31

lie, of ^vllom cardinal Wolsey (when fallen into dis-A.D. 1524. tress) did borrow two hundred pounds, therewith to viii. pay and reward some of his poorest servants, giving them money on this condition, that hereafter they should serve no subject but only the king himselfj, as if this had been suscipere gradum Simeonisy for those who so long had attended on a lord-cardinal. But this hapjiened many years after ; we return to this proud prelate, while he flourished in the height of his prosperity.

36, Their heads will catch cold, which wait barewoisey for a dead poj^e's triple-crown. Wolsey may be an ^^auLgfnto instance hereof, who, on every avoidance of St. '"^venge. Peter's chair, was sitting down therein, when sud- denly some one or other clapped in before him. Weary with waiting, he now resolved to revenge himself on Charles the emperor, for not doing him right, and not improving his power, in preferring him to the papacy, according to his promises and pretences. He intends to smite Charles through the sides of his aunt, Katharine queen of England, en- deavouring to alienate the king's affections from her^. And this is affirmed by the generality of our his- torians, though some of late have endeavoured to acquit Wolsey, as not the first persuader of the king's divorce^.

J Wake's Rex Platonicus, conference held at Venice by

p. 43. some Roman catholics, tonch-

^ [See Antisanclerus, p. 10. ing the divorce of Henry VIII.

Much unfortunately of the his- It was printed at Cambridge

tory of this divorce has been in 1593, 4to. with the initials

taken by Fuller, Herbert and of A. L. Its credit appears to

Burnet from this very apocry- be of about the same value as

phal book. It is written in that of the book against which

the shape of a dialogue, and it was written.] pretends to be the report of a i [Fox, Acts, &c. II. p. 326.

32

The Church History

BOOK V.

A.D. 1527. 37. Indeed he was beholding, for the first hmt ' V"iii!"^ thereof, to the Spaniards themselves. For, when the ^^^ ^^^.^^_ lady Mary was tendered in marriage to Philip, prince pie of the Qf Spain, the Spanish ambassadors seemed to make riag^!™'''"some difficulty thereof, and to doubt her extraction, as begotten on a mother formerly married to her husband's elder brother. Wolsey now put this scruple A. D. 1527. into the head of bishop Longland, the king's con- fessor, and he insinuated the same into the king's conscience ; advising him hereafter to abstain from the company of his queen, to whom he was unlaw- fully married. Adding moreover, that after a divorce procured (which the pope in justice could not deny) the king might dispose his affections where he

Burnet's Reform. I. p. 3. It is now very generally con- ceded that Wolsey was not the author of this scruple. Accord- ing to bishop Burnet (Hist, Ref. I. p. 76.) the king him- self said afterwards in the legatine court, that neither the cardinal nor the bishop of Lin- coln (Longland) did first sug- gest these scruples ; but the king being possessed with them did in confession propose them to that bishop, and the cardinal was so far from cherishing them, that he did all he could to stifle them. This is also exactly the account which Ca- vendish gives of this matter in his Life of Wolsey, p. 204. See also p. 22 1;, and Dr. Words- worth's note. But Fuller has followed Hall, who gives a ridiculous anecdote of Wolsey's first breaking the project to Henry, and afterwards endea- vouring to put the same scruple

into Longland's head. But the testimony of Dr. Draycot, Longland's chaplain, remains still upon record, shewing the utter groundlessness of this re- port. " I have heard Dr.Dray- " cot say," observes Harpsfield in his MS. life of sir Thomas More) " that he once told the " bishop what rumour ran upon " him in that matter; and de- " sired to know of him the "■ very truth. Who answered " that in very deed he did not " break the matter after that '• sort, as it is said; but the " king brake the matter to him " first, and never lefturginghim " until he had won him to give " his consent, of which his " doings he did forethink him- " self and repented afterwards." Note quoted in Roper's Life of sir Thomas More, p. 31. Singer's ed. 1822, and Caven- dish, Life of Wolsey, p. 221. See also Life of Fisher, p. 49.]

CENT. XVI

of Britain.

33

pleased™. And here Wolsey had provided him a a. 0.1527.

19 Hairy

second wife, viz. Marguerite, duchess of Alen^on, viii. sister to Francis king of France ; though heavens reserved that place, not for the mistress but her maid, I mean Anna Boleyn, who (after the return of Mary the French queen for England) attended in France for some time on this lady Marguerite".

38. Tinder needs no torch to light it, the least The king spark will presently set it on flame ". No wonder if embiaceth

the motion.

°i [[In 1522 when the em- peror Charles was engaged in war with Francis the French king, and found it to his ad- vantage to keep on good terms with Henry, he came personally to England when a new league was agreed upon between them, and it was sworn on both sides, that the emperor should marry per i>crba de prcesenti the lady IMary, the king's only child by Katharine, when they came of age, under pain of ex- communication and forfeiture of 100,000/. But five years after, when the emperor had succeeded in his projects and was desirous of uniting Portu- gal to his dominions, he not only broke off his sworn al- liance with the king of En- gland, but did it with an heavy imputation on the lady IMary, asserting that she was illegiti- mate, and born in an unlawful marriage. See Fox, Acts, &c. II. p. 326. Burnet's Ref. I. p. 9. The same demur was also made by the French am- bassador Gabriel de Grammont bishop of Tarbes, in 1527. Upon what grounds see Bur- net, ib. p. 73. See also the State Papers, vol. I. p. 197,

FULLER, VOL. III.

where Wolsey in a letter to the king details a conversation with the archbishop of Canter- bury of the knowledge of the divorce coming to the ears of the queen, and how he had told her that nothing had been done except for discovery of the truth " proceeding upon occa- " sion given by the French " par tie, and doubts moved " therein by the bishop of " Tarbes." See also p. 199.] " [Appeal, &c. p. II. p. 59.] o [The first dispatch upon this business was directed by the cardinal to sir Gregory Cassali the king's ordinary am- bassador at Rome, dated 5 Dec. 1527. (See the heads of it in Burnet's Hist. Ref. I. p. 90, and entire in the coll. N. 3. p. 19.) A dispensation was granted about the end of the same month, for the cardinal to hear and discern the cause. This however being deemed in- sufficient, on Feb. 10, 1528, Stejihen Gardiner and Edward Fox were dispatched to Rome to obtain a bull with all the strongest clauses which could be imagined (Burnet, I. p. 104. Strype's Mem. I. p. 89): by their management Campegio

g^ The Church History book v.

A. D. 1527. king Henry greedily resented the motion. Male i9^Henry .^^^^ ^^ ^^^j^ Wanted, and a young female more on

whom to beget it?. As for queen Katharine, he

rather respected than affected ; rather honoured, than loved her. She had got an habit of miscarrying, scarce curable in one of her age, intimated in one of the king's private papers, as morbus inciirabilis^. Yet publicly he never laid either fault or defect to her charge ; that, not dislike of her person or condi- tions, but only princij^les of pure conscience, might seem to put him upon endeavours of a divorce. The pope 39. The business is brought into the court of a captive, j^^j^^^ ^^^j.^ ^^ l3g decided by pope Clement the

seventh. But the pope at this time was not sui juris, being a prisoner to the emperor, who con- stantly kept a guard about him''. So that one wittily said, it was now most true, Papa non potest errare, " The pope could not wander," as cooped up and

was appointed legate to go to " repair to London ward, by

England to try the validity of " cause about this time is

the marriage in conjunction " partly of her dangerous

with cardinal Wolsey, who de- " times, and by cause of that

layed however proceeding thi- " I would remove her as little

ther till October following, "as I may now." See also

" being sore vexed by the secretary Pace's Letter to Wol-

" gout," according to Caven- sey in the same Collection,

dish, Life of Wolsey.] p. 2.]

P [In the collection of State q [Cardinal Wolsey in his Papers, 4to. 1830, vol. L p. i, letter to John Cassali the am- is a letter to Wolsey from the bassador's brother, in which he king, evincing his very great brings together all the argu- anxiety to have another child, ments which a most anxious In this letter he says, " Two mind could invent, to induce " things there be which be so the pope to grant the king's " secret that they cause me at desires, using an expression " this time to Avrite to you my- very similar to this ; though I " self : the one is, that I trust do not find it in any of the " the queen my wife be with king's letters. See Burnet's " child, the other is the chief Ref. Coll. vol. I. p. 57.] " cause why I am so loth to •' [Burnet's Ref. I. p. 94.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 35

confined. Yet, after some delays, the pope at last, a. d. 1528. to satisfy the king, and clear his own credit, dis- ^"yii^^ patched a commission to two cardinals, Wolsey, and Campegius, an Italians at London to hear and deter- mine the matter.

40. Campegius was the junior cardinal, and there- The cha. fore the rather procured by Wolsey to be his col- camjegius. league in this business, whose pride would scarce admit an equal, but abhorred a superior, that any foreign prelate should take place of him in England*. As Wolsey's junior, so was he none of the most mercurial amongst the conclave of cardinals, but a good heavy man, having ingenium par negotio, nei- ther too much nor too little, but just wit enough for the purpose the pope employed him in. Wolsey might spur Campegius, and Campegius would bridle Wolsey, keeping them both strictly to the letter of their instructions. Wolsey hearing Campegius was come to Calais, with an equipage not so court- like as he could have desired, and loath that his own pomp should be shamed by the other's poverty, caused him to stay there, till he sent him more splendid accommodations (at least in outward shew) and then over he came into England. But see the spite of it. As the cardinal's mules passed Cheap- side, out of unruliness they chanced to break the trunks they carried, which were found full of nothing but emptiness, which exposed his mock-state to the more scorn and contempt". Empty trunks, the

s [At that time bishop of XIV. p. 29.] Salisbury, which bishopric the * [Fox, Acts , . p. 243.]

king gave him in the year u [Fox, ib., says that the

1524 at sucli time as he was treasure of the cardinal caused

the pope's ambassador here in no small scorn and laughter,

England. Cavendish, Life of " especially of boys and girls,

Wolsey, 208. Rymer's Feed. " whereof some gathered up

D 2

36 The Church Histon-y book v.

A.D. 1528. lively emblem of this cardinal's legacy, coming hither ^°viiL ^ with intent, and instruction to do little, and going hence having done nothing at all. However a court is solemnly called, and the cardinals (having first read their commission) set themselves to examine the matter. A match- /^-y j^ ^^8 fashionable amongst the heathen, at

less sight. °

the celebration of their centenary solemnities, which

returned but once in an hundred years, to have an

herald publicly to proclaim, " Come hither to behold

" what you never saw before, and never are likely to

" see again." But here happened such a spectacle

A.D. 1529. (in a great room called the parliament-chamber in

*^^'' Black-Friars) as never before, or after, was seen in

England, viz. king Henry summoned in his own

land to appear before two judges, the one Wolsey,

directly his subject by birth ; the other his subject

occasionally by his preferment, Campegius being

lately made bishop of Salisbury. Summoned, he

appeared personally, and the queen did the like the

first day, but afterwards both by their doctors ".

42. For the king. For the queen.

Rich. Sampson v, John Bell w, Nic. West, bishop of Ely ^ ;

Peter and John Tregonvell. John Fisher, bishop of

Rochester; Hen. Stan- dish, bp. of St. Asaph.

" pieces of meat;, other some continues Cavendish, " was

" pieces of bread and roasted " such that he would in no-

" eggs, some found horse-shoes " wise be entertained with any

" and old boots, with such " such pomp or vainglory,

" other baggage, crying out " who suddenly came by water

" ' Behold here is my lord car- " in a wherry to his own house

" dinarstreasure!'" ButCaven- "without Temple Bar, called

dish tells a very different tale, " then Bath Place." Life of

according to whom Campegio VV^olsey, p. 209.] should have been solemnly re- ^ [Fox, Acts, &c. II. p 328.

ceived at Blackheath, and so Lord Herbert's Hen. VIII.

with great triumph conveyed p. 261. Burnet's Ref. I. p. 143.

to London : " but his glory," Hall's Life of Fisher, p. 70.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 37

Here the queen arose, and after her respects dealt to a.d. 15-29. the cardinals, in such manner as seemed neither un- ^ Vin."^^ civil to them, nor unsuiting to herself, uttered the following speech at the king's feet, in the English tongue, but with her Spanish tone, a clip whereof Avas so far from rendering it the less intelligible, that it soundeth the more pretty, and pleasant to the hearers thereof. Yea, her very pronunciation pleaded for her with all ingenious auditors, pro- viding her some pity, as due to a foreigner far from her own country. But hear her words :

" Sir, " I desire you to take some pity upon me, and Queen

- . . -, . , X Katharine

" do me justice and right: 1 am a poor woman, a her speech.

" stranger, born out of your dominions, having here

" no indifferent council, and less assurance of friend-

" ship. Alas ! wherein have I offended, or what

" cause of displeasure have I given, that you intend

" thus to put me away ? I take God to my judge,

" I have been to you a true and humble wife,

" ever conformable to your will and pleasure, never

" gainsaying any thing wherein you took delight,

" without all grudge or discontented countenance ;

" I have loved all them that loved you, howsoever

" their affections have been to me-ward ; I have borne

" you children, and been your wife now this twenty

" years ; of my virginity and marriage-bed, I make

" God and your own conscience the judge, and if it

V [Wolsey's chaplain, after- places Dr. Ridley. Hist. Ref.

wards bishop of Chichester.] I. p. 146. So also does Caven-

w [Afterwards ^bishop of dish. Life of Wolsey, p. 213.

Worcester. Cavendish, ib. p. Several other names are men-

212.] tioned by Hall, Life of Fisher,

X [Instead of West, Burnet p. 33.]

D 3

38 The Churcli History book v.

A.D. 1529." otherwise be proved, I am content to be put from \nv^ " you with shame. The king your father, in his " time for wisdom was known to be a second Solo- *' mon ; and Ferdinando of Spain my father, ac- " counted the wisest among their kings ; could they " in this match be so far overseen, or are there now " wiser and more learned men, than at that time " were? Surely, it seemeth wonderful to me, that " my marriage after twenty years should be thus " called in question, with new invention against me, " who never intended but honesty. Alas, sir ! I see " I am wronged, having no council to speak for me, " but such as are your subjects, and cannot be indif- " ferent upon my part. Therefore I most humbly " beseech you, even in charity to stay this course, " until I have advice and counsel from Spain ; if " not, your grace's pleasure be done y." June 18. This her speech ended, she departed the court, and though often recalled, would not return ; where- upon she was pronounced contumacious. Many commending the greatness of her spirit, and more

y Speed, [in Plen. VIII. ch. given another version of this

xxi. §. 69. This speech seems speech, observing that it was

little else than an abridgment delivered in French, and that

of the queen's speech in Ca- he had translated it as well as

vendish, Life of Wolsey, p. he could from the notes of

214, but I have not been able cardinal Campegio's secretary,

to discover any MS., nor do I Burnet has expressed a very

think that Speed, from whom decided opinion upon the fals-

Fuller copied it, published the ity of these speeches. Hist,

speech as it was really uttered, of Ref. III. p. 89. In Somers'

but in compliance with the Tracts, vol. I. p. 33, is also a

customs of those days, altered copy of this and other speeches

the phrase, but retained the uttered at this trial, apparently

matter. And this is rendered from a different source; that

more probable by the state- attributed to the queen differs

ment of Hall, who has also very little from this.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

39

condemiiinQ- the stoutness of her stomach, as eyeryA.D. 1529.

2 1 Heury

one stood affected. viii.

43. The most pungent passage in this her speech, xhTsting" was her appeal to the king's conscience, that he"^J^^^ found her a virgin, when first coming to her bed ^. Her words gained the more credit, because coming from one generally known to be spare of speech, and such may be rationally presumed to take best aim at the truth, who so seldom discharge in discourse ; the rather, because she saying it, and the king not gainsaying it, many interpreted his silence herein consent. Whilst others imputed the king's silence to his discretion, because both of them were parties, who though they knew the most, were to speak the least in their own cause, remitting it to the trial by the testimony of others'*.

z [Of this however, see Bur- net's Ref. I. p. 68. Cavendish puts a long and very impro- bable speech in the mouth of the king, in which he is fol- lowed by Hall in his Life of Fisher, and other Roman ca- tholic writers.]

a [" Upon May 31, the king " by a warrant under the great " seal gave the legates leave to " execute their commission " upon which they sat the " same day." (Burnet's Ref. I. p. 143.) After the usual oaths had been taken, the le- gates " ordered a peremptory " citation of the king and " queen to appear on the i8th '' of June between nine and " ten o'clock, and so the court " adjourned. The next session "was on the iSth of June, " where the citation being re-

" turned duly executed, Ri- " chard Sampson dean of the " chapel, and Mr. John Bell, " appeared as the king's " proxies. But the queen ap- " peared in person, and did " protest against the legates " as incompetent judges, al- " leging that the cause was " already advocated by the " pope, and desired a compe- " tent time in which she might " prove it. The legates as- " signed her the 21st, and so " adjourned the court till then." Burnet, ib. On the 21st the king and queen were present in person, when the queen spoke (if we may credit our chroniclers, as Stowe, p. 543- Ilollingshed, p. 907. God- win's Annals, p. 127.) in the manner here related. The court then adjourned to the

D 4

40 The Church History book v.

A. 0.1529. 44, As for the queen's counsel, (which, though

viii. assigned to her, appear not dearly accepted by her,

Fisher's as choson rather by others for her, than by her for

short plea. j^gj.ggjf^^ j ^^^^ ^^ ^j^jg present little of moment

pleaded, or performed by them. Only bishop Fisher affirmed, that no more needed to be said for the validity of the marriage, than. Whom God hath joined together, let no man put asunder. A most true position in itself, if he could have cleared the application thereof to his royal client, but hoc restat prohandum ; the contrary, " that God never joined " them together," being vehemently urged by her adversaries ^. The pleas 45^ Notwithstanding^ the queen's absence, the

oftheking's ^ ^ _ ' _

council. court proceeded : and first the king's proctors put in their exceptions against both bull and breve of pope Julius the second, dispensing with the king's mar- riage with his brother's wife ; viz.

i. That they were not to be found amongst the original records in Rome.

ii. That they were not extant in Chartaphylacio,

25th, upon which the queen on Avhich days the depositions

not appearing, she was declared of the witnesses were taken,

contumax, and the trial and which were published on the

examination of witnesses was 17th; on the 21st the court

proceeded in as is set down in sat to give sentence, when

lord Herbert's Hem VIH. p. Campegio put it off to the

264. From the 25th of June 23rd ; but when that day ar-

the court adjourned to the rived, he adjourned all the

28th (Burnet, Ref. I. p. 153.), proceedings till the ist of Oc-

ordering a second citation for tober. Before however that

the queen : on the 28th she day arrived, the messenger

was again pronounced contu- came from Rome the 4th of

macious, and they adjourned August with an avocation of

to the 5th of July, on which the cause to that court.]

day the king's counsel was b [By Wolsey himself. See

heard, and they adjourned to the dialogue in Cavendish,

the 1 2th ; thence to the 14th, Life of Wolsey, p. 224,]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 41

amonffst the kinsr of England's iiapers (most con- a.d. 1529.

, ■, , c^ • ij.1.^' Henry

cerned therein) but found only in Spain, amongst the viii. writinfi's of a state officer there.

iii. That in them it was falsely suggested, as if the same were procured at the instance of Henry, prince of Wales, who then, not being above thirteen years old, w^as not capable of such intentions ^.

iv. That the date thereof was somewhat discre- pant from the form used in the court of Rome.

46. After this, many witnesses on the king's side Secrets sm6 were deposed: and though this favour is by custom /Xii.^ indulged to the English nobility, to speak on their J^iy '2. honours ; yet the canon law taking no notice of this their municipal privilege, and for the more legal validity of their testimonies, required the same on oath, though two dukes, one duchess, one marquis, many lords and ladies gave in their depositions. These attested,

i. That both were of sufficient age, prince Arthur of fifteen years, the lady Katharine somewhat elder.

ii. That constant their cohabitation, at board and in bed.

iii. That competent the time of the same, as fall five months.

iv. That entire their mutual affection, no difference being ever observed betwixt them.

V. That Henry, after his brother's death, by an in- strument produced in court, and attested by many witnesses, refused to marry her, though afterwards altered by the importunity of others'^.

c [See Wolsey's letter to the were started by the cardinal.] king, State Papers, vol. I. ^ [Printed in Burnet's Ref.

p. 201. From which it appears book 11. No. 2, of the CoUec-

that these and other objections tion. See also vol. I. p. 71.]

42 The Church History book v,

A.D. 1529. vi. That, by several expressions of prince Arthur's, VIII. it aj^peared he had carnal knowledge of the lady Katharine.

The beds of private persons are compassed with curtains, of princes veiled also with canopies, to con- ceal the passages therein, to which modesty ad- mitteth no Avitnesses. Pity it is, that any, with Pharaoh, should discover what is exchanged betAvixt Isaac and llebekah ; all which are best stifled in secresy and silence. However, such the nature of the present cause, that many privacies were therein discovered.

A shrewd 47- Obscrve by the way, that, whereas it was generally alleged in favour of the queen, that prince Arthur had not carnal knowledge of her ; because, soon after his marriage, his consumptionish body seemed unfit for such performances ; this was re- torted by testimonies on the king's side, his wit- nesses deposing, that generally it M'^as reported and believed, the prince impaired his health, by his over liberal payment of due benevolence.

An end in 48. It w^as cxpcctcd that the cardinals should

pected? ^ow proceed to a definitive sentence, according as matters were alleged and proved unto them^. The rather because it was generally reported, that Cam- pegio brought over with him a bull decretal, to pro- nounce a nullity of the match, if he saw just cause for the same*". Which rumour (like the silken fly wherewith anglers cheat the fishes) was only given out to tempt king Henry to a longer patience, and

e [Burnet's Ref. I, p. 149.] have confounded it with an-

f [It cannot be doubted but other preserved in the Cotton

that Campegio did bring a bull Library. See Burnet's Ref. I.

into England, although some p. 109, 116. sq.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 43

quiet expectation of the event. But by this time a. d. 1529. queen Katharine had privately prevailed with the viii. pope, to advoke the cause to Rome, as a place of more indifferency for a plea of so high concernment. Whereupon Campegio took his leave of the king, and returned into Italy &.

49. The papists tell us, that cardinal Campegio Love letters sent over before him some amatorious letters, which Hennf kept passed Avritten with the king's own hand, betwixt yj^jJlS^j, him and his dear Nan, as he termed her. These are

said to import more familiarity than chastity betwixt them, and are carefully kept, and solemnly shewn in the Vatican to strangers, especially of the English nation, though some suspect them to be but forged ^. For though the king had wantonness enough to write such letters, yet Anna Boleyn had wit and wariness too much to part with them. It would more ad- vance the popish project, could they shew any return from her to the king accepting his offers, which they pretend not to produce. Our authors generally agree her denials more inflamed the king's desires. For though perchance nothing more than a woman was wished by his wild fancy, yet nothing less than an husband would content her conscience. In a word, so cunning she was in her chastity, that the farther she put him from her, the nearer she fastened his affections unto her.

50. Still was the king's cause more delayed in the No haste to court of Rome. If a melancholic schoolman cank?ng?Lise spin out a speculative controversy with his pro's^^^^^^- and con's, to some quires of paper, where the profit

S [On the 19th of July the net, Ref. I. p. 153.] pope sent a messenger with the ^ [Published in the Harleian

avocation to England Avith a Miscellany. See also Tytler's

letter " to the cardinal." Bur- Life of Henry VIII., p. 245.]

44 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1529. is little to others and none to himself, except satis- ^Vu^" fying his curiosity, and some popular applause; no

wonder if the casuists at Rome (those cunning mas- ters of defence) could lengthen out a cause of so high concernment, and so greatly beneficial unto them. For, English silver now was current, and our gold volant in the pope's courts, whither such masses of money daily were transported, England knew not certainly what was expended, nor Rome wdiat re- ceived herein. Yea, for seven years was this suit depending in the pope's court ; after which appren- ticeship, the indentures were not intended to be cancelled, but the cause still to be kept on foot, it being for the interest, to have it always in doing and never done. For, whilst it depended, the pope was sure of two great friends ; but, when it Avas once de- cided, he was sure of one great foe, either the em- peror, or our king of England. King and 51. It was a maxim true of all men, but most of

queen both , . tt /-\ • • • • tt

offended kmg lieury, Umnis mora properanti nimia. He wu Woi- ^^jjQ would have not only what, but when he would himself) was vexed with so many delayings, de- ferrings, retardings, prorogations, prolongations, pro- crastinations, betwixt two popes (as one may say) Clement that was, and Wolsey that would be. So that all this while, after so much ado, there was nothing done in his business, which now was no nearer to a final conclusion, than at the first begin- ning thereof. Yea, now began cardinal Wolsey to decline in the king's favour, suspecting him for not cordial in his cause, and ascribing much of the delay to his backwardness herein. More hot did the dis- pleasure of queen Katharine burn against him, be- holding him as the chief engine, who set the matter of her divorce first in motion.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

45

52. Be it here remembered, that in persuading a. d. 1529. the king's divorce, Wolsey drave on a double design; vin."^ by the recess of the king's love from queen Katha- ~~ rine, to revenge himself of the emperor; by the looks two access of his love to Marguerite of Alen^on, to oblige this design, the king of France. Thus he hoped to gain with both hands, and presumed, that the sharpness of his two-edged policy should cut on both sides: when God, to prevent him, did both blunt the edges, and break the point thereof. For, instead of gaining the love of two kings, he got the implacable anger of two queens ; of Katharine decaying, and Anna Boleyn increasing in the king's affection'. Let him hereafter look but for few fair days, when both the sun-rising and setting frowned upon him"^.

i [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 158.] ^ [^" I heard it reported" (says Cavendish, narrating the interview of Wolsey and Cam- pegio with the king at Graf- ton) " by them that waited " upon the king at dinner^ that " mistress Anne Boleyn was " much offended with the king, " as far as she durst, that he so "^ gently entertained my lord, " saying as she sat with the " king at dinner, in communi- " cation with him, ' Sir,' quoth " she, ' is it not a marvellous " thing to consider what debt " and danger the cardinal hath " brought you in with all your " subjects ?' ' How so, sweet- " heart?' quoth the king. 'For- " sooth,' quoth she, ' there is " not a man within all your " realm worth 5Z. but he hath " indebted you unto him,' " (meaning by a loan that the " king had lent late of his sub- " jects.) ' Well, well,' quoth " the king, ' as for that there

'' is in him no blame ; for I " know that matter better than ' ' yon or any other.' ' Nay sir,' " quoth she, ' besides all that, " what things hath he brought " within this realm to your " great slander and dishonour.^ " There is never a nobleman " within this realm, that if he " had done but half so much " as he hath done, but he were " well worthy to lose his head, " If my lord of Norfolk, my " lord of Suffolk, my lord my " father, or any other noble " person within your realm had " done much less than he, but " they should have lost their '^ heads ere this.' ' Why then, " I perceive," quoth the king, " • ye are not the cardinal's " friend V ' Forsooth then,' " quoth she, ' I have no cause, " nor any other that loveth " your grace, no more have " your grace if ye consider " well his doings.' " Life of Wolsey^ p. 241.]

sp:ct. II.

TO MR. THOMAS JAMES%

OF BUNTINGFORD IN HERTFORDSHIRE.

Corner stones (two tvalls meeting in theni) are polished ivith the more curiosity, and placed with more careful- ness. So also corner hones {as I may say) ivhich do double duty, and attend the service of t^vo joints, (in the elbow and knee,) are rarely fixed by the providence of nature.

This section being in the turning of religions, (the going out of the old, and coming in of the new,) ought to have been done tvith inost industry, difficulty meeting therein with dark instructions. However I have endeavoured tny utmost, (though falling short of the merits of the matter,) and doubt not but you will be as candid in the perusing, as I have desired to be careful in the writing thereof.

a [Arms, gules, a dolphin friend Mr. Barham, nor have naiant embowed, or. Of this I been able to discover any individual neither has my further particulars.]

CENT. XVI. The Church History of Britain.

47

NOW now in the next year, the lords ^-^'sso-

•^ 21 Henry

in parliament put in a bill of forty- viii.

four particulars against Wolsey''. The Accused in

. . 1 1 . . . /.parliament

most material was Ins exercismg or and well power-legatine, without leave, to the ^y^^l^.^*^ prejudice of the king's crown and dignity*'. The f^.™'"''''^'^

■I " " o ^ ]j[S servant.

bill is brought down into the house of commons, where Mr. Cromwell, then servant to the cardinal, chanced to be a burgess. Here he defended his master with such wit and eloquence, that even those who hated the client, yet praised the advocate who pleaded in his behalf*^. This was the first time that public notice was taken of Cromwell his eminent parts, and advantageous starting is more than half the way in the race to preferment, as afterwards in him it came to pass. As for Wolsey, though at this time he escaped with life and liberty, yet were all his goods of inestimable value, confiscated to the king, and he outed of most of his ecclesiastical pro- motions®.

^ [Burnet, Ref. I. p. i6i.] c [This was an extreme in- justice, since a legatine power had been procured and exe- cuted for the last hundred years in this realm, notwith- standing the statute of prceniu- nire, which from 1428 or there- abouts was never acted upon. And still more flagrant was the injustice of involving the clergy in the penalties of the same, whilst the commons, many of whom were liable, were par- doned without further trouble.] *! [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 349. Whether Cromwell obtained favour with the king from his conduct towards Wolsey I can-

not tell. It is certain however that he was gaining much in- fluence with Henry at this timie, and according to cardinal Pole, who had the account from Cromwell himself, he ad- vised the king to take the suit into his own hands, and declare himself head of the church (Poll Epist. I. p. 1 20.) See Wolsey's letter to him in State Papers, vol. I. p. 356, and Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, pp. 259. 275. Undoubtedly Cromwell saw the bent of the king's mind towards Wolsey.] e [Upon which occasion an Act was passed " that no per- " son or persons shall sustain

48

The Church Histo?y

BOOK V.

A.D. 1530. 2. Court-favourites, when it is once past noon, it

^Vm'!'^ is presently night with them, as here it fared with

Prosecuted Wolsey. His enemies, of whom no want, follow the

by his ene- blow ffiveu uuto him. For they beheld him rather

mies and °

removed to in a swoou, than as yet dead in the king's favour, and feared if his submission should meet with the king's remembrance of his former services, they might produce his full restitution to power and dig- nity. The rather because the cardinal was cunning to improve all to his own advantage, and the king (as yet) not cruel, though too perfect in that lesson afterwards. His enemies would not trust the car- dinal to live at London, (nor at Winchester within fifty miles thereof,) but got the king to command him aAvay to York, sending him thither, whither

" any prejudice by means of " the attainder of the lord car- " dinal, by means that the said " cardinal was seized in their " lands to divers uses." See the Auth. Collection of the Statutes, vol. III. p. 316. Among the new transcripts for the Foedera by the Record Commissioners there is an in- denture, dated Oct. 22, 1529, between the king and Wolsey, in Avhich the cardinal acknow- ledges that he is guilty of a pramunire by pretence of bulls obtained by him from the court of Rome, which he has pro- cured by divers means to attain sundry effects contrary to the good statutes of Eng- land ; that he has inquieted as well the prelates as other the king's subjects, that accordingly he deserves to suffer, not only the penalties ordained by the

statute of provision, but also perpetual imprisonment for the same, and to forfeit to the king for ever all his lands, offices, goods, &c. ; in consideration of which he grants to the king all his said possessions, with all the revenues arising from the sees of York and Winchester, the abbey of St. Albans and all other his spiritual benefices. The king on his part states that he does not intend in con- sideration of the said conces- sions, to forbear any suit as may hereafter be commenced, by process oi prcemtinire against the said legate. See Chron. Cat. of Materials for the Foe- dera, p. 167. To this inden- ture he probably refers in his letter to Cromwell. (State Papers I. p. 360.) See how- ever Rymer, vol. XIV. p. 371.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 49

his conscience long since should have sent him, a. d. 1530.

..,.,. 1 . i22 Henry

namely to visit his diocese, so large m extent, and viii. reside therein.

3. Indifferent men thouj^ht that he had enon<(h, Large

ii» M» ^ Ti i"<3'i"S al-

his foes that too much, only himself that too little lowed him. was left unto him. Pride accounts the greatest plenty, if without pomp no better than penury. Yet he had the whole revenues of York arch- bishoprick (worth then little less than four thousand pounds yearly) besides a large pension paid him out of the bishopric of Winchester. Was not here fuel enough, had there not been too much lire within, such his covetousness and ambition ?

4. Earthly kings may make men humbled, God Ue states it alone humble. Wolsey began to state it at York as

high as ever before, in proportion to his contracted revenues^. Preparation is made in a princely equi- page for his installation, attracting envy from such as beheld it^. All is told unto the king, and all

f [During the whole time of York, was that his presence

his impeachment Wolsey was at might be a stay and support to

Esher, a house near Hampton the country. And though the

Courts where he continued for enthronization of the arch-

the space of a month, " without bishops was a magnificent cere-

" beds, sheets, table cloths, mony, as they were the greatest

" dishes, &c., and was com- officers of the county, yet the

" pelled to borrow dishes to grandeur of Wolsey's instal-

" eat his meat in from the lation fell rather below than

" bishop of Carlisle." Caven- above the usual mark. When

dish, p. 257. From Eslier he preparations were making for

removed to Richmond early in the ceremony, and it was ob-

Feb. 1530. See the Letters in served that he ought to go

the State Papers, vol. I. p. 348 upon cloth from St. James's

sq, and note at p. 356. Thence chapel to the Minster, which

to Southwell where he remain- cloth was afterwards distri-

ed from April 27 to the end of buted to the poor ; Wolsey re-

Aug. 1530. (lb. n. p. 361.)] marked: " Although our pre-

g [This was a mere calumny. " decessors went upon cloth

The very plea used by his ad- " right sumptuously, we do in-

versary Norfolk to the king to " tend God willing to go

induce him to send Wolsey to " a-foot from thence without

FULLER, VOL. III. E

50

The Church History

BOOK V.

A.D. is3o.made worse by telling it, complaining Wolsey would 22^Henry ^^^^^ leave liis prfdo, till life first left him. His old faults are revived and aggravated, and the king incensed afresh against him. A.D. 1530. 5. The earl of Northumberland by the commission treason and from the king arrested him of high treason, in his ^^^^' own chamber at Cawood. By slow and short journeys he setteth forward to London, meeting by the way with contrary messages from the king ; Nov. 27. sometimes he was tickled with hopes of pardon and preferment, sometimes pinched with fears of a dis- graceful death, so that he knew not how to dispose his mind, to mirth or mourning ^. Age and anguish, brought his disease of the dysentery, the pain lying much in his guts, more in his heart. Especially after sir William Kingston was sent unto him, who being lieutenant of the Tower seemed to carry a re- straint in his looks. Coming to Leicester he died, being buried almost as obscurely as he was bom.

" any such glory, in the vamps

" of our hosen. For I take

" God to be my very judge

" that I presume not to go

■" thither for any triumph or

" vain-glory, but only to fulfil

" the observance and rules of

" the church ; to the which as

" ye say I am bound. And

" therefore I shall desire you

" all to hold you contented

*' with my simplicity, and also

" I command all my servants

" to go as humbly ^vithout any

" other sumptuous apparel than

" they commonly use, and

" which is comely and decent

" to wear." Cavendish, p. 271.

^ [On the third day of

Michaelmas term, on the 8th

of October (See State Papers,

I. p. 350 n.) the king sent the

dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk

to Wolsey to demand the re- signation of the great seal. He was impeached of a prceinunire, pleaded guilty and his goods forfeited. But about the same time the king sent him a ring bysirH. Norris; and in Novem- ber following the king restored him the see of York ; sent him a ring by sir John Russel, with a notice that he had forgiven his offence ; (See Wolsey's let- ter to the king on this occa- sion among the State Papers, I. 348.) In the following January his pardon was drawn out in as ample a manner as could be devised. See Wolsey's letter to Gardiner, ib. 1. 3 5 8. The king also restored to him plate and goods to the amount of 63 74T. 3^. ']d. according to Burnet's Reform, i. p. 162.]

CENT. XVI. of Brit am. 51

6. I know not whether or no it be worth the men- a.d. i.i;3o. tioning here, (however we will put it on the adven- vii^^ ture) that cardinal Wolsey, in his life time M-as in- Woisey's formed by some fortune-tellers, that he should havObefooie? his end at Kingston. This his credulity interpreted ^'Jj? *

of Kingston on Thames, which made him always to prophecy. avoid the riding through that town, though the nearest way from his house to the court. After- wards understanding that he was to be committed by the king's express order to the charge of sir Anthony Kingston, it struck to his heart, too late perceiving himself deluded by that father of lies in his homonymous prediction'.

7. Anna Boleyn did every day look fairer and The king fairer in the king's eyes, whilst the hopes of his mar- with delays riage with her seemed every day farther and farther^ ™*^" from him. For the court at Rome meddled not

with the merits of the cause, but fell upon by points therein of lesser concernment. Yea, they divided his case into three and twenty particulars ^ ; whereof the first was, whether prince Arthur had carnal knowledge with the lady Katharine ? This bare about a year's debate; so that according to this propor- tion, king Henry would be, not only past marrying, but past living, before his cause should be decided. This news put him into a passionate pensiveness, the rather, because meeting with sadness here, many populous places in England, and Cambridge parti- cularly, being at the present visited with the sickness.

8. But it is an evil plague wliich brings nobody Dr. Cran- profit. On this occasion Dr. Cranmer retired tOtowT*^^ Waltham with two of his pupils, the sons of Mr.*^'"'

■' Hon. lord Howard in his ^ Hist, of Council of Trent, Book against Prophecies, [fol. p. 69. p. 130. ed. 1620.]

E 2

52 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1530.C1.essY, a name utterly extinct in that town, where

32 Henry *^ i i • • t i

VIII. God hath fixed my present habitation, long be- fore the memory of any alive ^ But, consulting Weever's Funeral Monuments of Waltham church, (more truly than neatly by him composed,) I find therein this epitaph :

Here lyeth Jon and Jone Oressy, On whose soulys Jesu hav mercy. Amen"^. It seems paper sometimes is more lasting than brass ; all the ancient epitaphs in that church being defaced by some barbarous hands, who perchance one day may want a grave for themselves. Is employed 9. The king coming to Waltham, Dr. Fox his J tVe'^pope^ chaplain and almoner (afterwards bishop of Here- ford) is lodged in Mr. Cressy's house: discoursing about the king's divorce, Cranmer conceived that the speediest course was to prove the unlawfulness of his match by scripture ; whence it would follow, that the pope at first had no power to dispense therewith ; and that the universities of Christendom would sooner and truer decide the case than the court of Rome'^. This passage Fox reports to the king; who, well pleased thereat, professes that this man had "the sow by the right ear":" an ear which

1 [Burnet's Ref. I. p. 159.] Burnet's Ref. I. Records, p.

i^ In Essex, p. 645. But 142.), which is more than three

see the former part of Cran- months before the time of the

mer's life until this time, in above-mentioned conference.

our History of Cambridge. See also Strype's Cranmer,

n [Collier in his Eccles. p. 5. The duke of Suffolk

Hist. vol. H. p. 52, observes seems to have been the first

that this is inconsistent. For ])erson who suggested to the

this conference at Waltham king, to have the matter dis-

between Cranmer, Gardiner, cussed by the learned men of

and secretary Fox, was in Aug. his own realm. See Cavendish,

1529. But the determination Life of Wolsey, p. 232.] of the university of Orleans « Fox, Acts and Mon. 1861.

relative to the king's marriage [Hall's Life of Fisher, p. 97.] bears date April 5, 1529. (See

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 53

the king never left worrying till he had got it off, a. D. 1530. and effected his will therein : Cranmer being sent ' viii. for, comes to the king, who very lovingly entertains him. Indeed he was a most comely person, having an amiable eye (and as the soul sees much by the eye, so is it much seen in them) and pleasing coun- tenance, as by his lively picture doth appear?. Glad was the king to see, more to hear him enlarge him- self on the former sul^ject, that it was above the pope's power to dispense with God's work in the king's case. And now what fitter nurse for the child than the own mother ; what person more proper to manage this matter than Cranmer himself, who first moved it'i. The king resolves, and Cranmer consents he should be sent to the pope, there to make God his position. Leave we Cranmer for a time, preparing himself for his long journey; and come briefly to state the king's controversy out of God's word, and several authors who have written thereof.

10. It jilainly appears that a marriage with a Marriage brother's wife is unlawful, because expressly for- thers' wives bidden ^^'"^^ ^"'■'

LeVIT. Xviii. 16. scripture.

Thou shall not uncover the nakedness of thy brother'' s wife, it is tlty brother's nakedness.

Wherein we have,

i. A prohibition. Thou shalt not uncover the nakedness of thy hrotlier''s ivife : see all these laws

P Which I have seen at and Germany with the earl of

Chesthunt in the house of sir Wilts, to dispute the subject

Thomas Dacres, done as I take at Paris^ Rome, and other

it by Hans Holbein. places, carrying the book with

q [In 1530 he was sent by him which he had just written,

the king into France, Italy, See Strype's Cran. p. 13.]

E 3

54 The CInirch Hist on/ book v.

A.D. 1530. are made to men ; it being presumed that the weaker "viir^ sex (whose part it is to take, not tender ; accept, not offer love) would be so modest as not to adventure of themselves on any incestuous act, except first solicited by men thereunto.

ii. The reason thereof. It is thy brother'' s naked- ness. God could, according to his dominion, pe- remptorily have forbidden the same, without ren- dering a reason of his prohibition; but that men might pay the more willing obedience to his law, he maketh those who were to keep it in some sort judges of the justness thereof, endeavouring to con- vince their consciences, and make their souls sen- sible of the natural uncleanness of such an act. It is thy brother'' s nakedness.

Such marriages are again forbidden in another text. Nor can I render other reason of this duplicate, whereas others are but once, that this should be twice prohibited; save that God, foreseeing in his providence men's corrupt inclinations, prone here to climb over, did therefore think fit to make a double fence.

Levit. XX. 21. And if a man shall take his brother'' s wife, it is an unclean thing ; he hath uncovered his brothers nahedness, they shall be childless. Here we have the prohibition backed with a commi- nation of being childless, which is variously inter- preted, either that they shall never have children, or if having them, they shall not survive their parents, or if surviving, they shall not be counted children, but bastards, illegitimate in the court of heaven. This commination of being childless, as applied ad honmiem, fell heavy on king Henry the Eighth ; who

CENT. xvr. of Britain. 55

sensible that his queen, though happy often to con- a. d. 1530.

22 Hem

ceive, was unhappy ahnost as often to miscarry, viji.

Henry his only Christian son, by her, died before a ftill year old ; a second was nameless, as never living to the honour of baptism ; and of many blasted in the bud, Mary only survived to woman's estate.

11. Such as inquire into the nature of this law This proved find it founded in nature itself, being only decla- Jf nature!"" ratory of what true reason doth dictate to man. God in making this law did not imprint a new writing in men's hearts, but only rub off some old rust from the same; wherefore it is added, Levit. xviii. 27, 28. For all these abominations ham the men of the land done, which were before you, and the land is defiled ; that the land sptie not you out also, when ye defile it, as it spiced out the nations that were before you. Surely the land would never have vomited out the heathen for not observing a positive precept, never immediately delivered unto them, wliich plainly shews it was imprinted in nature, though partly obliterated by their corrujit customs to the contrary ; and their consciences in their lucid intervals were apprehensive thereof. This would make one the more to admire, that any should maintain that this law, the breach whereof made the country to avoid her pagan inhabitants, should be only led' imposititia et ecclesiastical, " an imposed " and church law." To hear of a church law amongst the Canaanites is a strange paradox.

12. It is objected this could not be a law ofTheob- nature, because almost at the beginning of nature the con. men brake them by the consent and permission of '^'''"'^* the God of heaven ; for Cain and Setli, with the

'■ Sanders de Schism. Angl. p. 3. E 4

56 The Church History book v.

AD. 1530. elder sons of Adam, must be allowed to have married ^ViiL^ their own sisters, far nearer in nature than their

brother's wife. Answered. 13, It is answered, when God first created man- kind, it was his pleasure all men should derive their original from Eve, as she from Adam. For had he made (as one may say) two distinct houses of mankind, what falling out and fighting, what bicker- ino' and battlinor would have been betwixt them. If men nowadays descended from the loins of one general father, and womb of one mother, are full of so fierce hatred, how many and keen may their dif- ferences be presumed, had they sprung from several fountains, and then all their hatred would have been charged, not on their corruption, but on their creation? God therefore, as the apostle saith. Acts xvii. 26, hath made of one blood all nations. Now in the beginning of mankind absolute necessity gave brethren liberty to marry their own sisters. Yea, God himself, interpretatively, signed and sealed the same with his own consent, because his wisdom had appointed no other means without miracle for the propagation of mankind. But when men began to be multiplied on the earth, that necessity being removed, the light of nature dictated unto them the unlawfulness of such marriages, and of some others more remote, as coming within the compass of incest ; though the corrupt practices of pagans sometimes trespassed in that kind. God therefore being to give his law to the Jews, cleared and de- clared that light of nature by his positive law unto his people, to whom his goodness gave a garden, and forbad a tree, so inconsiderable were those few pro- hibited to the many persons permitted them in mar-

CENT. XVI.

of Britain. 57

riage. For whereas there came out of Egypt about a. d. 1530. sia,' hundred thousand men, besides children, fifty per- ^Viii.'^ sons at the most (counting those forbidden, as well by consequence as expressly) were interdicted unto them^; amongst whom one was the marriage with a brother's wife. For although God permitted this by a judicial law to his own people in case of raising up seed to a brother deceased childless*, (the will of God being the law of laws,) yet otherwise it was utterly unlawful, as whereon God had stamped (as is aforesaid) a double note of natural uncleanness.

14. The law then of forbidding marriage with a God's laws brother's wife being founded in nature, it was pride sable with and presumption in the pope to pretend to dispense ^"^ ^p*^?^- therewith. Indeed we read that the dispe^isation of the gospel (to see it dealt and distributed to several persons) was committed to St. Paul^, (whose joint successor, with St. Peter, the pope pretends to be,) but a dispensation from the law of God, to free men from the same, neither Paul nor Peter ever pre- tended unto. Let the pope make relaxations of such church canons which merely ecclesiastical au- thority hath made, there he may have the specious power to remit the rigour thereof at some times, places and persons, as he apprehendeth just occasion. But let him not meddle to grant liberty for the breach of God's law. The first dispensation in this kind is what Satan in the serpent gave our first parents in Paradise, You shall not surely c?/e"'; and whether the grantor had less power therein, or the receivers less profit thereby, we their woful posterity have little comfort to decide.

15. Nor doth it any thing alter the case, (what^^^^^J^ ^

s Exod. xii. ^y. VI Cor. ix. 17.

t Deut. XXV. 5. "w Gen. iii. 4.

58 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1530. was so much controverted in the court of Rome,) 22^^enry ^j^g^j^^j, ^p j^^ priuce Arthur had carnal knowledge not mate- ^f his wife, seolug we may observe that in the court rial in this ^f jigayeu marriaffes bear date, not from their copu- versy. latiou, but soleuin contract ; and they thenceforward are esteemed man and wife before God. For it is provided, that if a damsel he betrothed to a husband still remaining a virgin., and shall be lain with by another man^ both of them shall be stoned to death, and she punished for an adulteress, he for humbling his neighbour's ivife^. Be then the lady Katharine known or unknown by prince Arthur, due benevo- lence is the effect, not the cause of marriage, which was completed before God, and they two made one flesh, when solemnly joined together in the face of the congregation. No Chris- 16. Such a marriage with a brother's wife thus

tian utility . . - - p /^ i • •

inconsistent appcarmg agamst the law or God, it is strange that nestv,'°' ^i^y should maintain that publica honestas, " public " honesty," was the only obstacle of this marriage, which obstruction (say they) by the pope's dispen- sation was removed, because publica iitiUtas, the " public profit" was greater that redounded by per- mitting this match. Now suppose this all the ob- stacle, the position is dangerous and unsound ; for, first. Christians are not sensible of utility, as falsely so called, which stands at distance with public honesty. Secondly, the publicness of the profit was not adequate to the publicness of the scandal. The profit or state benefit thereby only extended to the crowns of England and France, as concerned therein, whilst the scandal dilated itself to the people of all

X Deut. xxii. 24.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 59

Christian provinces, justly oiFended thereat. And a. d. 1530. although we confess that in this respect the world is viii. narrower to princes than to private persons, as not affording so fit matches unto them, yet kings have no commission to enlarge themselves herein, by the actual breach of God's commandment.

17. Thus far the sum of the sense of protestants Armies of

writers pro

and others, no fewer than an hundred authors, and cow in writing at this time against this marriage, all which * '^ ^'°*" ' were produced by the king in the next par- liament. Yet very many papists professed their judgments in print, on the contrary side, both English and outlandish divines: and, to give them their due, brought very plausible arguments. Of all these,

John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, led the front, whom some catholics call St. John, because be- headed like the Baptist, though on contrary ac- counts: John Baptist for saying, it is not lawful^; John Fisher for saying, " It is lawful for thee to " have thy brother's wife."

^ John Holyman, bishop of Bristol ; John Gierke, bishop of Bath and Wells ; Cuthbert Tunstall, bishoji of London ; Nicholas West, bishop of Ely.

Thomas Abel, Edward Powell, Richard Feather- stone, Ridley, Englishmen and Canonists.

Franciscus de Roxas, Alphonso de Virues, Al- phonso de Castro, Sepulveda; Sj^aniards.

Cardinal Cajetan, Lewis Nogarola ; Italians.

Alvarus Gomez ; Portuguese.

John Cochlseus ; High German.

z JMark vi. 18. 57. To these should be added

a We order them by the se- Cardinal Pole. See Strype's

niority of their writing. [See Cran. ch. 2.]

Sander's De Schism, p. 45 and

60 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1530. Eguinardus Baro, Franciscus Duarenus, Conuanus ;

22 Heiirv ^s, 1

VIII. ■ Celtse^.

Ludovicus a Schora ; a Low Countryman'^. Erasmus, a greater scholar than divine, was very doubtful in his judgment herein. He is made by some modern apocalyptical commentaries to be the angel flying ev luearovpai/^fxaTi, that is, as they will have it, " in a middle distance betwixt heaven and " earth," which how it agrees to the text, I know not. It alludeth well to his dubious posture betwixt different opinions in religion, and particularly in this controversy, sometimes being for king Henry, and sometimes against him herein. Cranmer 18. Rotum we to Crauuier, employed now in his panics embassy to Rome : the state whereof lay on Thomas embassy to" Boleyn, earl of Wiltshire, but the strength of it (as Rome. ^Q ^j^g disputing part) on Dr. Cranmer, Dr. Stokesley, Dr. Carne, Dr. Bennet, &c.; so that a little univer- sity of learned men went along thither. These were well armed with arguments, being to carry a chal- lenge to all the canonists at Rome. Coming thither, they found the pope in his grandezza proffering his toe to them, which none offered to kiss, save the unmannerly spaniel (to say no worse of him) to the earl of Wiltshire, whom the Jesuit calls a protestant doge, for biting the pope's toe ; but let him tell us what religion those dogs were of which eat uj) Jezebel the harlot ^ The earl presented the pope a book of Cranmer's penning, proving God's law indis-

c Properly people of France, Records, I. p. 142 ; in English

living betwixt the rivers of by Hall, Chron. fol. p. 195, b.]

Garumna and Sequana, ^ Father Floud. See Mason

*• [See Burnet's Ref. I. p. 173. de Minist. Ang. [II. p. 9.] p.

The declarations of the dif- 151. [Burnet's Ref. I. p. 190.]

ferent universities are printed ^ 2 Kings ix. 36. at length by the same historian,

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 61

pensable with by the pope: a book as welcome to a. d. 1530.

^ ./ 1 1 ^ 22 Henry

his holiness as a prison, beholding his own power viir. therein limited and confined. Promise was made of a public disputation, but never performed. Only the pope (who is excellent at the making of nothing something, by the solemn giving thereof) made Cranmer supreme penitentiary (an empty title) throughout all his dominions ; this was only to stay his stomach for that time, in hope of a more plen- tiful feast hereafter, if Cranmer had been pleased to take his repast on any popish preferment.

19. Meantime king Henry employed his agents to Foreign the universities in several parts of Christendom, to determine sound their judgments in the matter of his marriage, ^^n^r'.'^ Some report that Reginald Pole, then living at Paris, was practised upon, by promise of preferment, to act the university there in favour of the king : but he being a perfect Katharinist, declined the employ- ment». Sir Richard JNIorison, a learned knight, was used by the king in Germany; Edmund Bonner'', afterwards bishop of London, employed in Italy, and William Langee, a native Frenchman, made use of in his own country ; so that ten of the universities subscribed the case, that it was above the pope's power to dispense with the positive law of God.

1. Cambridge, 2. Oxford; England.

3. Paris', 4. The Faculty of Parish 5. Orleans, 6. Toulouse', 7. Anjou'", 8. Bituriges" ; France.

9. Bononia^, 10. Padua p; Italy.

Wonder not herein at the silence of many Dutch

g [So Sander's, p. 51.] ^ May 7.

^ HoUinshed's Chron. p. ' October i.

923. [See the substance of ^ July i.

their arguments in Burnet's " June 10.

Hist. Ref. I. p. 208.] o June 10.

» May 2. P July 2.

62

The Church History

BOOK V.

A. D. 1530. universities, Wittemberg, Heidelberg, Tubingen, ViiT^ Basle, that they interposed not their opinions herein ; for these having formerly utterly exploded the pope's jjower, were conceived partial, and therefore incom- petent judges in this point : wherefore the king only solicited such universities in this his case which as yet remained in fast and firm obedience to the see of Rome^.

The bold 20. Of all the universities declaring for the ]:)ope's

declaration ... . • i y-N • •

of the uni- inability to dispense with God's positive command, Bononia. niost bold and daring (because largest, fullest, clear- est) was that of Bononia, the chief city in Roman- iola, a province of Peter's patrimony, and that city the pope's retiring place. Nor can I omit the con- clusion of their declaration. " We confidently do ' hold and witness, that such marriage is horrible, ' accursed, and to be cried out upon, and utterly ' abominable, not only for a Christian man, but for ' an infidel, unfaithful or heathen, and that it is ' prohibited under grievous pains and punishments ' by the law of God, of nature, and of man ; and ' that the pope, though he may do much, unto ' whom Christ gave the keys of the kingdom of ' heaven, hath no power to give a dispensation to ' any man to contract such marriage "". In witness ' whereof we confirm this our judgment, both under ' the seal of our university, as also with the seal of ' our college of doctors of divinity, and have sub- ' scribed it in the cathedral church of Bonony, this ' tenth of June, in the year of our Lord 1530.**" 21. Sanders* hath little to say against so many

The recu- sancy of

q [According to Burnet, (Hist. Ref. I. p. 171.) Cran- mer published his book on the divorce in 1531.]

>■ Speed's Chron. in Hen.

Vni. chap. xxi. §. 68.

s [Burnet's Collection of Records, I. p. 147.]

* De schismate Anglic, p.

53.

CENT. XVI.

of Brit am.

63

and clear decisions of the universities; only he tells a. d. 15.10.

■22 Henry

US, that all the king's agents had not equal success viii. in their negotiations : and particularly that one other nni- Hutton, the king's instrument herein, could not^'''''^' bow those of Hamborough and Lubeck to express themselves against the marriage. But surely these two places were only gymnasia, for I find them not mentioned amongst the Dutch universities. Also he saitli that Richard Croke, another of the king's emissaries, prevailed nothing on many German pro- fessors^, and particularly he praiseth the university of Cologne, for their recusancy therein. As for such who subscribed on the king's side, he pretends that bribes bought their judgments ""; as if our king- Henry had learnt from king Solomon, that money recom'penseth all things^. The best is, the cleanly

■v [They were first to pro- ceed to the emperor to satisfy him with reference to the di- vorce, and if possible to obtain his acquiescence. Their in- structions have been transcrib- ed for the new edition of the Foederaj by the Record Com- mission, and an abstract of them is in the Chron. Cat. of the materials transcribed for that work, p. 168.]

"^ [In Germany, Spain, and Flanders the emperor's au- thority was very great, and therefore men were prevented from declaring their opinions. Nor does it appear that the king made any attempt to ob- tain them. (See Hall's Chron. fol. p. 195, b.) This is clear from what happened to Corne- lius Agrippa, who having been satisfied by Cranmer of the goodness of the king's cause, and giving out that the matter

was indisputable, was very harshly used by the emperor, and died in prison. (See Bur- net's Ref. I. p. 191.) That the judgments of these foreigners were bought by bribes is clearly refuted by Burnet, (Hist, of Ref.I.p. 175. 177. 180); parti- cularly by the extracts from Croke's Letters, who protests that " he never gave or pro- " mised any divine any thing " till he had first freely written " his mind, and that what he '* then gave was rather an "■ honourable present than a " reward." What these re- wards were may be seen in his bill of accounts, published by the same writer, p. 181. The highest sum was twenty crowns given to John JMarino, min- ister of the Franciscans, " who " wrote a book for the king's " cause."]

X Eccles. X. 19.

64

The Church History

BOOK V.

Crannier travelleth into Ger- many.

A.D. 1530. hands of the court of Rome had never, no doubt, any ^ Viii.^^ bribes sticking to their fair fingers. But though that English angels flew over to foreign universities, yet there lieth a real distinction betwixt a bribe and a boon, freely bestowed, not to bow and bias their opinions ; but to gratify their pains, and remunerate their industry, in studying of the point.

22. As for our English ambassadors at Rome, finding themselves only fed with delays, no wonder if they were sharp set to return home. All came back again save Dr. Cranmer, who took a journey to the emperor's court in Vienna^. Here he grew acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, who had written a book of the Vanity of Sciences, having much of the sciences, but more of the vanity in himself. Here also he conversed with many great divines, and satisfied some of them out of scripture and reason, which formerly were unresolved in the un- lawfulness of the king's marriage. A.D. 1531. 23. A parliament was now called, wherein the caught*^in a clcrgy wcro fouud guilty of a prceimmirc'^, because pramumre. ^^^^ ^^j ^^^ mucli prouiotod the papal interest, and acted by virtue of his power to the damage and detriment of the crown of England; whereupon, being willing to redeem their whole estates for- feited by law, they were glad to commute it into a sum of money : the clergy of the province of Can- terbury alone bestowed on the king one hundred thousand pounds ; to be paid by equal portions in the same year, say some, in four years say others, and that in my opinion with more probability a.

y [Burnet's Ref. I. p. 191,]

' [Of the nature of a prce-

munirc, see Burnet, Ref. I.

p. 219. This act was passed

at tlie wicked suggestion of

Cromwell. See Tytler's Hen.

VIII. p, 307. Carte III. 107.]

a [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 227.

" This great sum was not to

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 65

24. But the king would not be so satisfied with a. d. 1531. the payment of the money, except also they would >iii. acknowledge him to be Supreme head of the church. Acknow- This was hard meat, and would not easily down ^'Ji*' ^."^ amongst them ; however, being thoroughly debated J'^^™*' ^^'^^^ in a synodical way, both in the upper and lower cinncii. houses of convocation, they did in fine agree on this expression, ciij^is [ecclesice AnglicancB] singular em protectorem, unicum et supremum Domimcm, et quan- tum per Christi legem licet, ctiam supremum caput ipsius, majestatem recognoscimus.

25. This thus consented unto, and subscribed by Confirmed the hands of the clergy, (as appears at large in the pLuament. records and acts of the convocation,) and so pre- sented to the king in the name of his clergy, was afterwards confirmed by parliament, and incorpo- rated into a solemn act for the ratification thereof.

26. During these transactions, William Warham, a.d. 1532. archbishop of Canterbury, ended his life. K politic The death person, well learned in the laws, generally reputed a [li^hop " moderate man, though (specially towards his latter ^^^''^^"^" end) a still and silent persecutor of poor Christians.

He was first parson of Barly in Hertfordshire, (as appears by an inscription in that church,) then rising by degrees to great preferment''. In his will he requested his successor not to sue his executors for dilapidations^, as having expended some thousands

" be paid in one year, nor in 18,840/., and were also par-

" four years neither, l)ut to be doned. Burnet, Ref. I, p.

"paid by equal portions, that 228. Wilkins' Concil.iii. 745]

" is to say, by 20,000/. per '' Weever's Funeral Monu-

" annum in the five years fol- ments, [p. 547.]

" lowing." Heylyn in the Ap- "^ [Parker's Antiq. Brit. p.

peal^ &c. part 11. p. 59. The 488.] province of York offered

FULLER, VOL. Ill, F

^ The Church History book v.

A.D. 1532. of pounds in repairing his several palaces*'. We 23^^nry ^^^jj^ believe his request was granted, seeing Cran- mer was free from all exacting in that kind. Sede vacante, John Stokesly, bishop of London, was pre- sident in the convocation. Crannier 27. Mcsscugers are sent into Germany for Thomas and un- Craumcr, to find him out, and fetch him home with ^ptethUie ^11 possible speed, the archbishopric of Canterbury ?*!■*■ . waiting his acceptance thereof <". The post easily

bishopric. or 1. j

doth the first, but Cranmer prolonged his journey by seven weeks ^ at the least, hoping that in the mean- time the king might forget him, and confer the place on another, being really unwilling to embrace the preferment, having aliquid intus, " something " within him" which reluctated against those super- stitions through which he must wade in the way thereunto. But there lieth no 7iolo episcopari against king Henry his volo te episcopum esse ; it being as mortal to refuse favours from him, as to offer injuries to him. Cranmer therefore now come home, must

'' [He was born of a re- lord chancellor, and in 1504 he

spectable family at Okely in was made archbishop of Canter..

Hampshire, and educated in bury. He held the see for twen-

Winchester school. In 1475 ty-eight years, and died very

he was admitted fellow of New poor, August 22, 1532. He

college, and directing his at- was a very pious, learned, and

tention to the study of the moderate man; a great friend to

laWj left college in 1488, be- dean Colet, an especial patron

came an advocate in the court of Erasmus, and a favourer of

of the arches, and afterwards all who shewed any signs of

moderator in the school of civil piety or learning. See Wood's

law at Oxford. In 1493 he Athena^, I. p. 668. Burnet's

was made master of the rolls^ Reform. I. p. 2^8. Godwin,

and next year went as ambas- De Praesul. p. 136. Erasmi

sador with sir Edward Poyn- Epist. p. 1498, and especially

ings to the duke of Burgundy, p. 92.]

respecting Perkin Warbeck. e [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 258.] In 1^02 he was elected bishop f Fox, Acts and Monu-

of London, and the same year ments, p. 1703. [iii. 636.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 67

in his own defence be archbishop; who, to serve the a. d. 1532. king, and salvo his own conscience, used the expe- \m.^ dient of a protestation, whereof hereafter.

28. The philosopher gives us this note of direction, a prepa- whereby to find out a virtue, viz. that it is accused cianmer's by both extremes. Thus liberality is charged byj-g^Jg*^*^' prodigals to be covetousness, by covetous men to be prodigality. By the same proportion Cranmer ap- pears a worthy prelate, taxed by papists to be an heretic, by others (no papists) as guilty of super- stition. We will endeavour his just defence, con- ceiving the j^rotestants' cause much concerned therein, the legality of his consecration having an influence on all the bishops made by him, that of the bishops making an impression on the priests and deacons by them ordained, and their rightful ordi- nation, deriving validity to the sacraments by them administered to all the members of the church

of England.

29. A papist objects, non fuit consecratus ah tdlo Cranmer cpiscopo, sed a solo rege intrusus, " that he was con- consecrated. " secrated by no bishop, but thrust in by the king

" alone^." The falseness whereof doth appear on public record, still to be seen in the register, being solemnly consecrated by John Lincoln, John Exeter, a d. 1533, Henry St. Asaph '\ And none that pretendeth to ^^•'^'""^ 2°- skill in canon law can deny the number insufficient for such a performance.

30. Another urgeth him uncapable of a bishopric, nis double as debarred by bigamy, even by the censure of the "|,''^ar unto apostle. Let a bishop be the husband of one wife^^''"^-

e Becan. contro. Angl. c. 4. [John Longland, John Voysey, q. 9. n. 6. Henry Standish.]

^ Regist. Cranni. fol. 5. ' 1 Tim. iii. 2.

F 2

68

The Church History

BOOK V.

A. D. 1533

23 Henry

VIII.

Bishops married in the primi- tive times.

Cranmer took not the hke oath with his prede- cessors.

Cranmer being successively tAvice married. It is answered, such successive marriage is no bigamy ; the aj^ostle only forbidding the having of many wives at once, (a fault fashionable amongst the Jews, then and many years after, by the testimony of Justin Martyr^,) and the same is so expounded also by S. Hierom, prcBcepit ergo sacerdotes ut singidas uno tempore uxores liaheant^.

31. But grant Cranmer guilty but of one Avife at once, even that made him (as his adversaries rejoin) uncapable of the archbishopric, because prohibited by the canons. To which we answer, that Spiri- dion'", St. Hilarys, Gregory Nazianzen", and many other bishops, eminent for learning and sanctity in the primitive times, are confessed married men by authentic authors, in the best times accounted no bar to their episcoi:)al function. Yea, the Romanists are concerned to allow Cranmer a lawful archbishop, because allowing such as were consecrated by him, as Thomas Thyrlby, bishop of Ely, Anthony Kitchin, bishop of Landaff, for lawful bishojis, to whom he could not derive any orders, if not legally invested therein himself.

32. Pass we now to such exceptions which a modern writer? (zealous against popery) taketh against him, being no fewer than nine, as if he intended what they want in weight to make up in number. 1 . " That he took the like oath to the pope

^ In dial, cum [Tryplion.

§• 141-]

' [Epist. 83 = 82.t.iv. p.649.] "1 Sozomenus Hist. Eccl. I. I ] . [But undoubtedly second marriages of the clergy Avere discountenanced at an early period in the history of the

church. See Gelasii I. epist. V. ch. 22. Harduin, Cone. II. p. 903.]

"^ Baptista Mantnanus.

"In carmine de vita sua.

P Will. Prynne in his Anti- pathy of Prelacy to Monarchy, p. 13).

CENT. XVI. of Britai?!. 69

"as his predecessors had done, and therefore was a. 0.1533. " deeply charged of peijury by Martin (a papist)." 'vm.

33. I answer, he took not the like oath. His predecessors took it absolutely and simply. Not so Cranmer. Not that he was guilty of any clan- destine equivocation or mental reservation therein, but publicly entered a solemn protestation, remaining on record in his office in manner and form following:

"In Dei nomine amen. Coram vobis &c. non est. The copy

, . , • J i- • 1 • of his pro-

" nec erit mese voluntatis aut nitentioms per huj us- testation.

" modi juramentum vel juramenta, qualitercumque

" verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur, me obligare

" ad aliquod ratione eorundem, posthac dicendum,

" faciendum, aut attentandum, quod erit, aut esse

" videbitur contra legem Dei, vel contra illustrissi-

" mum regem nostrum Angliag, aut remjDublicam

" hujus sui regni Angliae, legesve aut proerogativas

" ejusdem. Et quod non intendo per hujusmodi jura-

" mentum vel juramenta quovis modo me obligare,

" quominus libere loqui, consulere et consentire

" valeam, in omnibus et singulis reformationem reli-

" gionis Christianse, gubernationem ecclesise Angli-

" canae, ac praerogativam coronae ejusdem reipublicae-

" ve commoditatem, quoquomodo concernentibus, et

" ea ubique exequi et reformare, quae mihi in ecclesia

" Anglicana reformanda videbuntur. Et secundum

" banc interpretationem et intellectum hunc, et non

" aliter, neque alio modo dictum juramentum me

" praestiturum protestor et protiteor. &c." ^

This protestation he did not privately smother in

q Ex Regist. Cranmer. fol. 4. and in Strype's Cranmer, Ap. [This protestation is printed No. 5.] in fidl, in Godwin, p. 139. n.,

F 3

70 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1535. a corner, but publicly interposed it three several 23^^enry ^j^^^g. ^j^;. oncc iu the cliapter-liouse, before authentic ' witnesses ; again, on his bended knees at the high-

altar, many people and bishops beholding him when he was to be consecrated ; and the third time, when he received his pall in the same place. No cavil 34. Secondly, he accuseth him for having a hand

charge!'^ in tlic Condemnation and execution of Lambert, Frith, and other godly martyrs. This indeed cannot be denied. For though I am loath that Cranmer's head should (by the weight and violence of his cause- less detractors) be plucked under water, where he was innocent, I will leave him to sink or swim by himself where he was guilty ; only adding. In many things we offend all. A happy 35^ jjis third accusation, " he was the chief man the event. " in accomplishing the divorce between Henry the " Eighth and queen Katharine, which occasioned " much trouble, dissension, war^" But he might have remembered, which also produced the peerless princess queen Elizabeth, who perfected the Re- formation, and by her long peaceable and victorious reign brought much honour, wealth, and renown to our nation. Besides, that divorce is generally de- fended by protestant writers, whose judgments this accuser will rely on when it makes for his purpose. A rebel's 36. Fourth accusatiou, the Lincolnshire rebels, in weapon, ^j^gjj. gj^j. articles of their grievances presented to king Henry the Eighth, complain, that this arch- bishop, and other prelates of his grace's late pro- motion, had " subverted the faith of Christ, &c'." .winsf a ^'^* ^ answer, they v/ere the Lincolnshire rebels loyal sub- that said it, and this their pretended subverting of

ject.

s Pryniie, ib. p. 132. t Mr. Prynne, \h.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 71

the faith was the reforming and confirming thereof, a. d. 153.^

2 3 Udirv

Cranmer serving the God of his fathers in that way viii.

which they termed heresy. Well therefore might this cavil have been waved, good only to swell the volume.

38. Fifth cavil, though Matthew Parker reports, The grand as this delator confesses, " that Cranmer opposed

" this act [of the six articles] at first, then caused it " to be moderated, and at last to be repealed in king " Edward's days, but others seem to imply that he " gave consent thereto at first ^."

39. To this I answer three things : first, to imply Answered, is far less than to express, and such implications are often the bare surmises of a biassed apprehension. Secondly, to seem to imply is less than to imply, multa videntur quce non sunt. Thirdly, the others by

him mentioned ought to have been nominated, this author generally giving no scant measure in such w^ares; so that his margin (commonly overthronged) is here quite empty of quotations. Inopem nunc copia fecit. We may assure ourselves he Mould have alleged such other authors, but for several sub- stantial reasons, whereof this was one, because he had none to allege. And shall an uncertain, un- named nobody, be believed against Cranmer, before Mr. Fox and Dr. Parker's clear testimonies in his behalf?

40. Seventh cavil. " He suffered martyrdom, not violent no " while he was a bishop, but when degraded andpj-vi'.g. "deprived^." What of this? does this tend any thing to the disgrace of him or his order, seeing such

an injurious and violent degradation deprived him

'^' i\lr. Prvinio, ib. p. 133. "^^ [Prynne, ib. p. 134.]

F 4

72 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1533. not of his episcopal indelible character, so that still ■yiii.'^^ in right he remained a bishop?

^^ ^^^^ 41. Eighth cavil. "He failed more in his mar-

vaiour at « tjrdom, bv reason of his cowardly recantation, " through hopes of life, and restitution to his former " dignity, than any of his fellow-martyrs^." Answer, it is confessed : but his final constancy may well cover his intermediate failings. Better it is faintly and fearfully to bear in our body the marks of our Lord Jesus, than stoutly and stubbornly to endure the brands of our own indiscretion.

Remember ^^ j^^g^ cavil. He was Condemned for high

not what "

God had treason, for an act done by him as an archbishop,' and councillor of state, for which he professeth both his sorrow and repentance y. Did he so indeed, by the confession of this his adversary? The more un- worthy man his accuser, after this his soitow and repentance to upbraid him therewith. Mr. Pryn might also remember that the two lord chief jus- tices were in the same treason, (whose education made them more known in the laws of the land,) and our Cranmer was last and least in the fault, it being- long before he could be persuaded to subscribe to the disinheriting of queen Mary.

An appeal 43^ y^Q apiJcal to the unpartial reader, upon the

to any in- ^ ^ i i •

different, perusal of the premises, whether an ordmary charity might not, yea ought not to have passed by these ac- cusations, and whether the memory of archbishop Cranmer may not justly say of Mr. Prynne, as once the king of Israel'' of the king of Syria, wherefore con- sider I prm/ 1/ou, and see how he sceketh a quarrel against me? Indeed so great is his antipathy against episcopacy, that if a seraphim himself should be a

X [Prymie, ib. p. 134.] Y Prynne, ib. 134. ^ i Kings.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

73

bishop, he would either find or make some sick fea-A. d. 1533.

,,.,.. 23 Henry

thers m his wmgs. viii,

44. Cranmer Avas now settled in his archbishopric, cvanmer and the first eminent act of his office was exercised ^'i^^g*^''* in the king's divorce '^. A court is called in the^'^'"'y- priory of Dunstable in Bedfordshire, as a favourable place, indifferently distanced, but five miles from Ampthill^ where queen Katharine resided. With Cranmer were the bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, and Lincoln^, with many other great prelates. These summoned queen Katharine to appear before them, full fifteen days together, on whose refusal they not only adjudged her contumacious, but also

a [^ April 1 1, 1533, the arch- bishop wrote to the king re- questing " liberty to proceed to *' the examination and final de- " termination and judgment in " the said great cause." (Works, I. p. 22.) The king's answer to this letter (State Papers, i. 392. Collier, II. Ap. N. 24.) appears to have been sent shortly after, but no date is affixed to it, in which he as- sents to his request. On the 8th of May the archbishop pro- ceeded to Dunstable (Works^ I. 28), " and so there at our " coming" (to use his own words) " kept a court for the " appearance of the said lady " Kateren, where we examined " certain witnesses which tes- " tified that she was lawfully " cited and called to appear, '^ whom for fault of appear- " ance was declared co?;/«?«rtcry" (that is on Saturday iMay 10,) and finally on the 12th, (Works, I. 23) " proceeding in " the said cause against her

" in pcenam contumacicE, as the " process of the law thereunto " belongeth, Avhich continued " fifteen days after our coming " thither. And the morrow " after ascension day [May " 23rd] I gave final sentence." The cause terminated May 1 7 (Saturday), but sentence could not be given until the Friday following (iMay 23), all the in- tervening days being ferial. (Works,"^!. 24.)]

^ " [Within four miles unto " Amptill," says Cranmer in his letter to Ilawkyns, Works, I. 28. But of the bishops who presided with him in the trial he only specifies Long- land bishop of Lincoln, and Gardyner bishop of Winton. See also in the same letter an account of the coronation of queen Anne. Fuller follows Hall's Chron. Hen. VIII. p. 2 TO. b., and lord Herbert, in his Hen. VIII. 375.

'^ Gardiner, Stokesley, Clerk, and Lony-land.

74 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1533. pronounced her match with the king as null and

VIII. unlawful by scripture ; and soon after it was pro-

claimed, that henceforward none should call her

queen, but, the dowager of prince Arthur. And thus

a few days had dispatched that divorce, which had

depended many years in the court of Rome.

Heth'™^'^' ^^' ^^^^ ^^^^ ^ cannot call king Henry a bachelor,

lady, and a bccauso oiico married ; nor a married man, because

Boleyn.

having no wife ; nor properly a widower, because his wife was not dead. Be he therefore a single, or rather a separated person, remaining so (if at all) but a very short time, as soon after solemnly married to the lady Anna Boleyn, of whom largely hereafter*'. A.D.i.=;34- 46. Now beo-an Elizabeth Barton to play her

The impos- _ ° . \^

ture of Eli- tricks, commoiily called the holy maid of Kent, Barton, tliougli at tliis day, of Kent, alone is left unto her, as whose maidenship is vehemently suspected, and ho- liness utterly denied ; she was famous on a double account f. First, for knowing secrets past, and in- deed she could tell any thing which was told her ; conversing with friars her familiars, and other folks confessors, who revealed many privacies unto her. Secondly, she was eminent for foretelling things to come, and some of her predictions hit in the mark, procured to the rest the reputation of prophecy with credulous people. She foretold that king Henry

6 [The king was married pri- from the king to lady Cobham,

vately to Anna Boleyn after dated " Greenwich, April 28,

his return from France, Nov. " [1534]" it should be 1533,

14, J532. (Hall's Chron. f. 209, requiring her attendance at the

b.), or Jan. 25, 1533, according coronation of the queen, Avhich

to Stow, p. 562. Thedivorcewas is to be on the feast of Pente-

concluded May 23, and Anne cost following. May 24, that is,

was crowned June t. See the first time.]

Transcripts for the Fcedera, f [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 302.

p. 181, where is a warrant Hall's Chron. f. 218, b. 2 19, b.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 75

should not be king a full twelvemonth^, except heA.D. 153.^ reassumed queen Katharine to be his wife. viii.

47. I am heartily sorry that the gravity of John Fisher and Fisher, bishop of Rochester, should be so light, and fy,',|gj i,y the sharp sight of sir Thomas More so blind '\ as to ^^*^'" ^"'s*^'"^" give credit to so notorious an impostrix, Avliich plunged them both into the king's deep displeasure.

As for Elizabeth Barton, soon after, she was exe- cuted', with many of her complices and complotters. The papists at this day, unable to defend her forgery, and unwilling to confess her cheating, seek to salve all by pleading her to be distracted. Thus, if suc- ceeding she had been praised (and perchance canon- ized) for her devotion ; now failing, she must be par- doned and pitied for her distraction.

48. We may remember, how, not long since, the Bisiiop clergy did own, and recognise king Henry the Eighth prisoned for for supreme head of the church, which was clearly [he'oluh of carried by a plurality of voices in the convocation ^. ^"P'emacy. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, was the only emi- nent clergyman who openly opposed it. One ob- noxious to the king's displeasure on a threefold account; first, for engaging so zealously (above the earnestness of an advocate) against the king's divorce^;

? [A month longer, says i [April 21 ( 1534), confess-

Burnet, p. 3 06, following Hall, ing her impostures. Hall, ib.

Chron. f. 22, a. ] f. 124. " vii. months after,"

t [It does not appear that sa_vs Fisher to the king in his sir T. More was deceived by letter apologizing for his ac- her claims to inspiration, quaintance with the nun. Cot- though he had a great opinion ton JMSS. Cleop. E. VI. 162.] of her sanctity. The best ac- ^ [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 291.] count of this extraordinary 1 [Burnet (Ref. I. p. 166.) woman and of sir Tliomas asserts also the same. In a More's conduct will be found letter of Wolsey to Henry in a letter written by him to VIII. (State Papers, vol. I. Cromwell. See Roper's Life of p. 200.) Wolsey details a con- More (ed. by Singer, 1822) versation which he had with App. 1 01.] the bishop of Rochester^ to

76

The Church History

BOOK V.

A.D. 1533

24 Henry VIII.

The convo cation of York de- nies the king's su- premacy.

Edw. Lee archbishop

. secondly, for tampering with that notable impostrix, tlie holy maid of Kent ; thirdly, for refusing the oath of supremacy, for which he was now impri- soned. Indeed this bishop lost himself (both with his friends and his foes) by his inconstancy at the first, seeing he who should have been as stayed as the tower, was as wavering as the weathercock, neither complying Avith the king, nor agreeing with himself; but would and would not acknowledge the king's supremacy. But at last he fixed himself on the negative, and resolutely continued therein till the day of his death ; of whom more largely hereafter.

49. The clergy in the province of York did also for a long time deny the king's supremacy. Indeed the convocation of York hath ever since struck tallies with that of Canterbury, (though not implicitly) unanimously post-concurring therewith ; but here they dissented, not because more knowing in their judgments, or tender in their consciences, but gene- rally more superstitious, and addicted to popery. In- somuch that they sent two letters to the king, (I con- ceive them written, one from the upper, the other from the lower house of convocation,) wherein they acquainted his highness ^vith their judgments, (inter- lacing many expressions of general submission,) and their reasons in a large discourse, why they could not acknowledge him to be supreme head of the church.

50. Give me leave to suspect Edward Lee, arch-

whom it appears that queen Catharine had sent for advice as soon a rumour had reached her of the intended discussion : " and more and more (says the " writer) as I shewed him of " your protestation made, and " the death of the king your " fatlier, before tlie execution

" of the bull, — he noted the " matter to be more and more '" doubtful, and the bull dimi- " nute, marvelling that none " other bull was purchased than " that, being so slenderly " couched, and against which ^' so many things might be " objected."]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 77

bishop of York, for a secret fomenter of this dif-A.D. 1533.

. . , .24 Henry

ference. He was a virulent papist, much conceited viii. of his own learning*, (which made him to write of York a against Erasmus,) and a persecutor of protestants ; ^^^^^X witness John Bale"^, con vented before him for a suspicion of heresy, who in vain earnestly pleaded scripture in his own defence, till at last he casually made use of a distinction out of Scotus, which the archbishop more valued, than all which he had be- fore more pertinently alleged out of the Old and New Testament.

51. King Henry wrote a fair and large letter to King the convocation of York, too long here to be in- answer to sorted, (though otherwise I have a good copy" there- ^^^'^^i^"" of, ) wherein the king began mildly to make the passage for his supremacy into their consciences, by a rational and argumentative way. He disclaimed all design by fraud to surprise, or by force to capti- vate their judgments, but only to convince them of the truth and equity of what he desired. He declavered the sense of supreme head of the church °, (though offensive in the sound to ignorant ears,) claiming nothing more thereby, than what Christian princes in the primitive times assumed to themselves, in their own dominions, so that it seems he wrought so far on their affections, that at last they consented thereunto p.

ni De Scriptoribus Brit, in It was protested against both Edwardo Sexto. by archbishop Warham, and by ^ Communicated unto me by Cuthbert Tunstall, one of the my good friend Dr. Littleton. wisest, most moderate, and o Itis printed in the 2nd part most pious men of his days, of the Cabala [i. 227. ed. 169 1.] (See both protestations in Wil- li [If Fuller means that the kins' Cone. III. 745.) When opposition made by the clergy Wolsey pleaded guilty to the to this title of supreme head charge of prcemunire for exer- was purely factious, or caused cising his legatine authority, by the opposition of archbishop (although he had been em- Lee, he is greatly mistaken, powered by the great seal to

retorted.

T8 The Churcli History of Britain. book v.

A.D. 1533. 52. Here I wonder at the cavil of the papists,

^ Vin."^^ which being so causeless, should be so clamorous,

T ; accusing- us to have a parliament relio-ion, a parliament

A causeless o 1 o ' 1

cavil. faith, a parliament gospels ; and another addetli par- liament bishops, and a parliament clergy. Whereas upon serious examination it will appear, that there was nothing done in the reformation of religion, save what was acted by the clergy in their convocations, or grounded on some act of theirs, precedent to it, with the advice, counsel, and consent of the bishops and most eminent churchmen ; confirmed upon the postfact, and not otherwise, by the civil sanction, according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity.

The cavil 53. By the same proportion in the days of queen Mary the popish religion might have been styled a parliament religion, because after the same had been debated on and concluded of in the convocation, it was confirmed by the queen, lords, and commons, by the act of parliament.

do so, a pretext for involv- the title, clogged with this ing the clergy in the same condition ; quatiliwi per Christi charge of treason was readily legem liceat. When those em- caught up by the king and ployed to manage the affair Cromwell. Henry gave in- brought word of the result to structions to Cromwell to at- the king, '^Motherof God" (he tend and manage the convo- exclaimed in his irreverential cation, who by menaces and way) " you have played me a fraud induced the clergy to " shrewd turn. I thought to offer 100,000/. on condition of " have made fools of those receiving a full pardon ; but " prelates, and now you have to their great consternation the " so ordered the business that king refused their offer, unless " they are likely to make a at the same time they would " fool of me, as they have done acknowledge him supreme head " of you already. Go to them of the church of England. This "^ again, and let me have the bu- concession was violently op- " siness passed without any posed; three days were spent " quantums or tantums." See in discussion ; at last they were Tytler's Hen. VIII. p. 3 1 2.] compelled to compromise the 4 Harding against Jewel, matter, and consented to admit »" Scultingus.

SECT. III.

— — 9

TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL

SIR RICHARD SHUGBOROUGH

OF

SHUGBOROUGH IN WARWICKSHIRE a.

Master Haward returned this answer to queen Mary (de- manding- the causes of his coming- to court), that it teas partly to see her highness, and partly that her highness shoidd see him : an ansicer, which though more witty than court-like, yea, more blunt than witty, she took in good part.

You will not be offended at this my dedication, partly that

^ [[Arms : Sable, a chevron engrailed, between three mul- lets argent ; according to a visitation taken in 1619 by Sampson Lennard, Bluemantle and Augustine Vincent, Rouge Rose, preserved in the British Museum. Sir Richard Shuck- borough was the second son of John Shuckborough-, esq. and Margaret daughter of Richard Midlemore, of Edgebaston in the county of Warwick, esq. succeeded his father in 1 63 i . As king Charles I. marched to Edgcot near Banbury on Oct. 22, 1642, he saw him hunting in the fields not far from Shuck- borough, with a very good pack of hounds, upon which it is re- ported that he fetched a deep sighj and asked who that gen- tleman was that hunted so mer- rily that morning, when he was

going to fight for his crown and dignity. And being told that it was this Richard Shuck- borough, he was ordered to be called to him, and was by him very graciously received. Upon which he went immediately home^ armed all his tenants, and the next day attended the king in the field, where he was knighted, and was present at the battle of Edgehill. After the taking of Banbury castle he defended himself valiantly on the top of Shuckborough hill which he fortified, but was attacked by the rebels, most of his men slain, and himself left for dead. But being found still alive, he was carried pri- soner to Kenilworth castle. He died June 13, 1656. See Dugdale's Warw. p. 309.]

80

The Church History

BOOK V.

A.D. 1534.

25 Henry VIII.

The clergy IB bind them- H selves to the king.

/ may knoxc yoii, partly that I may he known unto you. Besides^ being iriformed that you love to have your hos- pital table handsomely attended with ancient servitors, I presumed that this section, containing much of' memo- rable antiquity, would not be unwelcovie unto you.

g^OW though nothing was done in mat- ters of religion, but what was fairly and largely discussed first by the most learned of the clergy ; yet this year the clergy in the convocation so submitted themselves to the king, that each one severally pro- mised in verho sacerdotis, never henceforth to pre- sume to allege, claim, or put in ure, any new canons, unless the king's most royal assent might be had unto them, and this soon after the same was ratified by act of parliament ''. A fourfold 2. And here it vAW be worth my pains and the sort of con- j.^adcr's perusal to observe the differences between

vociitions. A

English synods or convocations, which may eminently be distinguished into four ranks, such as were,

i. Called before the conquest.

ii. Called since the conquest, but before the statute of prcBmunire was made.

iii. Called after the aforesaid statute, but before another made in the reign of king Henry the Eighth, wherein the clergy were bound up, for doing ought without the royal assent.

iv. Called after the twenty-fifth year of the reign of king Henry the Eighth.

These did plainly differ in the several manners of their meeting, and degrees of power of their acting in spiritual matters.

Burnet, Ref. I. p. 299.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 81

3. As for councils, called before the conquest, a. 0.1533. whilst the pope's power had not as yet lorded it ^%i\\^^ over the kings of England, the kings ever were (if Kings acted not in person) in power present thereat; as bymatterrbe- perusinor sir Henry Spelman's Councils plainly doth fo»"e the

■^ ° .'1 i. ^ conquest.

appear. Yea, matters both of church and common- wealth were often dictated and concluded in the same meeting, Communi consensu tarn cleri quani populi, episcoporum, procerum^ comitum, nee non om- nium sapientum, seniorum populorumque totius regni^.

4. For the second sort, (called after the conquest, Of the but before the statute oi prcEmunire,) the archbishojJS f/convo-' of Canterbury or York used upon all extraordinary *^^*^°"^' and immergent cases, toties quoties, as their own discretions adjudging necessary or convenient, to assemble the clergy of their respective provinces

at what place they pleased, continuing convocations in them so long, or dissolving them as soon as they pleased. And this they did, either as metropolitans or primates, or as legati nati to the pope of Rome, without any leave from the king afore obtained, and such canons and constitutions then and there con- cluded on were in that age (without any further ratification) obligatory to all subjected to their juris- diction. Such were all the synods from Lanfranc to Thomas Arundel, in whose time the statute of prcBmunire was enacted.

5. A third sort of convocation succeeds, (for after Of the the statute of prcBmunire was made, which did much of TOnvo- restrain the papal power, and subject it to the laws*^^"""^' of the land,) when archbishops called no more convo- cations by their sole and absolute command, but at

<^ Sir Henry Spelman's [Concil.] p. 118. anno 605.

FULLER, VOL. III. O

The Church History

BOOK V.

The form of ancient writs of convoca- tions.

A.D. 1533- the pleasure of the king, as oft as his necessities and

Viii!^ occasions with the distresses of the church did re-

quire it^. Yea, now their meetings were by virtue

of a writ or precept from the king, and it will not be

amiss here to exemplify the form thereof.

6. " Rex, &c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, " A. Canturiensi archiepiscopo totius Anglise primati, " et apostolicse sedis legato salutem. Quibusdam ar- " duis et urgentibus negotiis, defensionem et securita- " tern ecclesise Anglicanae, ac pacem, tranquillitatem, " et bonum publicum, et defensionem regni nostri, et " subditorum nostrorum ejusdem concernentibus, vo- " bis in fide et dilectione, quibus nobis tenemini, " rogando mandamus, quatenus praemissis debito in- " tuitu attentis et ponderatis universos et singulos " episcopos vestrae provincise, ac decanos, et priores " ecclesiarum cathedralium, abbates, priores et alios " electivos exemptos et non exemptos ; nee non " archidiaconos, conventus, capitula, et collegia, " totumque clerum cujuslibet dioceseos ejusdem

^ [" 'Tis true the archbishop called these meetings some- times at the king's instance, signified to him by a royal writ ; yet even then not in virtue of that writ, but by his own authority ; by which also (whether called at the king's instance or not) he. always dissolved them. And of this we have a very re- markable proof in the last convocation under Henry IV., which though meeting at his writ was yet so little thought ' to be held in virtue of it, that

■ it sat for near two months

■ under his successor, Henry V. without a dissolution.

" Till archbishop Chichley's " time, convocations were fre- " quently held even while par- " liaments were sitting, with- " out any other writ from the " king but what was contained " in the bishop's summons, with " the clause, prcEiminientes. " After the 8th of Henry VI. " the clergy if they met by the " king's letter had the benefit " of the act of parliament of " that year ; and therefore I " suppose usually desired it to " gain the parliamentary pro- " bation, not, as Fuller idly " conjectures, to avoid a prce- " muiiire." Atterbury on Con- vocations, p. i8.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 83

" provincise, ad conveniendum coram vobis in cc-a.d. 1533.

" clesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi proiit melius ^Viii"^

" expedire videritis, cum omni celeritate accommoda

" modo debito convocari facialis ; ad tractandum,

" consentiendum, et concludendum, super praemissis

" et aliis, quae sibi clarius proponentur, tunc et

" ibidem ex parte nostra. Et hoc sicut nos et

" statum regni nostri, et honorem et utilitatem ec-

" clesise praedictae diligitis nuUatenus omittatis. Teste

" me ipso," &c.

7. In this writ we may observe, first, that fi-om the Observa. word convocari faciatis, the word convocation took itSon."^ denomination, being formerly called si/nods, as lately (since our scotizing) termed* assemblies. Secondly, that clause, in ecclesia Saticti Pauli Lo7idon. vel alibi front melius ea?pedire videritis, pointeth at a power placed, or rather a liberty left to the archbishops, to call their synods elsewhere, in case they adjudged it more convenient. But because the archbishops and bishops might the better attend their business in parliaments, (henceforward commonly kept at the same time with convocations,) St. Paul's in London was generally preferred for the place of their conven- tion. Thirdly, this writ was used even after the reformation, mutatis inatandis, namely, the title of apostolical legate to the archbishop being left out, as also the names of priors and abbots are extin- guished. Lastly, of this third sort of convocations, was all those kept by Thomas Arundel and the arch- bishops of Canterbury his successors, unto Thomas Cranmer ; or if you will, from the sixteenth of Richard the Second, unto the twenty-fifth of king Henry the Eighth. These convocations did also make canons (as in Lynwood his Constitutions do

G 2

84 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1533. appear) which were binding, although none other *Viii.^^ than synodical authority did confirm them. The last ^- The last sort of convocations remains, called sortof con-gjj^^g the statuto, the twenty-fifth of kino^ Henry the

vocations. ' •' o .

Eighth, " that none of the clergy should presume to " attempt, allege, claim, or put in ure, any consti- " tutions or ordinances provincial, or synodals, or any " other canons, constitutions, or ordinances provin- " cial, (by Avhatsoever name or names they may be " called,) in their convocation in time coming, (which " always shall be assembled by the king's writ,) un- " less the same clergy may have the king's most " royal assent and license to make, promise and exe- " cute such canons, constitutions and ordinances " provincial or synodical, upon pain of every one of " the said clergy doing the contrary to this act, and " thereof convicted, to suffer imprisonment, and " making fine at the king's will." Since this year, from archbishop Cranmer to archbishop Laud, all convocations (so long as they lasted) are born tongue- tied, till the king did cut the string thereof with his letters patent, allowing them leave to debate on matters of religion. Otherwise, what they conclude are arrows without piles, daggers without points, too blunt to pierce into the practice of others, but sharp enough to wound themselves, and bring them within the compass of a 'prcEmunire. Yea, even such convocations with the royal assent subject not any (for recusancy to obey their canons) to a civil penalty in person or property, until confinned by act of par- liament. The an- 9- This I humbly conceive to be the difference mission, bctwixt the three kinds of convocations, submitting what I have written to the censure and correction

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 85

of thu learned in the law, conscious of mv own igno-A.D. 1533.

• 1 1 1 1 •!! • -i • V 2" Henry

ranee therein, as indeed such skill neither is to be vm. expected or required in one of my profession, who am ready with willingness, yea, with cheerfulness, yea, with thankfulness to God and man, publicly to recall and retract what any such convince me to have mistaken herein ; hoping that my stumbling in 80 dark a subject may prevent the failing of others.

10. There goeth a tradition, (taken up by many a vulgar without examination,) " that anciently the clergy sat

" as one Ijody with the parliament, and were not *' divided till in the reign of king Henry the Eighth," as a modern author hath written in a tract". But when I asked of him, where he had read the same, he cited a French letter of cardinal Sadolets. Strange that a foreigner should be more seeing herein, than any of our native authors and records that I ever could behold. But it may be the error had its ori- ginal hence, because anciently bishops sitting in the parliament did not always appear personally, or by the proxy of men of their own order, but sometimes sent one or more of the inferior clergy to represent them, if it be true what I have read in a small English book, bearing the name of Mr. Selden (but I question whether avowed by him) of the proceed- ings in parliament.

11. John Fryth sealed the tnith with his blood. The mar- one who justly may be said aged sixty at six and.john twenty, (so young was he martyred,) such his learn- "^^^ ' ing^, gravity, and constancy^. It was chiefly charged

^ Calebut Downing. He suffered July 4, 1533-

f [As proof of the estima- Fox, ii. 303.]

tion in which he was held, he & [Burnet, Ilef. I. p. 338.

was invited to become a fellow For the opinions of John Frith

of Cardinal's college in Oxford, and other reformers touching

G 3

86 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1533.011 him, that he denied the believing of the real pre- ^^viii!^^ sence in the sacrament (understand him de modo thereof) to be an article of the faith, though con- fessing Christ really present in the bread, so he might not be compelled to the worshipping thereof. But these things are set down largely in Mr. Fox^\ Only I will add, that persons out of groundless [suspicion] suggest two scandals on this good man and his wife's memory. One, that he was guilty of some practice against the state, merely because he was committed to the Tower. The other, that his wife being beyond the seas with Mr. Tyndal, expressing himself content with the will of God, that for her sake she would not have the glory of God hindered, desired to be rid of her husband's life, that Mr. Tyndal might the more freely enjoy her company. Thus this Jesuit, being himself a bastard, measureth others by the chastity of his own parents. Indeed the aforesaid Tyndal much exhorted Fryth to patient suffering, but not as those cowardly captains, which encourage others to fight, and themselves forsake the field.

the eucharist, see Crannier's friend Dr. Barnes was in this

Works, I. p. Ixxiii. and in point a Lutheran; and Frith

Cranmer's own account of in his controversy with IMore

Frith's examination, ib. p. 32. upon this subject expresses his

The archbishop states that willingness to allow the Lu-

Frith " thought it not necessary theran opinion of the eucha-

" to be believed as an article rist ; " he was content to per-

" of our faith, that there is the " niit every man to judge of

*' very corporal presence of " the sacrament as God shall

" Christ within the host and " put into their hearts." This

" sacrament of the altar, and his moderation is highly com-

" holdeth of this point most mended by Fox, (ii, 306) as

" after the opinion of CEco- well worthy of imitation " in

" lampadius." The same is " the seditious divisions and

also expressed in the substance " factions of these our days."] of his arguments given by h [Acts, &c. II. p. 303, and

Burnet, I. 339. Frith's great Append, vol, iii. p. 991.]

CENT. XVI. of' Britain. 87

because afterwards he valiantly brought up the rear, a. d. 1534, and suifored for the same cause two years after. viii.

12. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, was now Bishop prisoner in the Tower, Avhere he was but coarsely leuerVor used, as appears by a letter to Mr. Secretary Crom- '"*"' '^^"^^^^

^ i. i J J and a con-

Well. fessor.

" After my most liumyl commendations. Where " as ye be content that I sliold write unto the king's " highness, in good faith I dread me that I can not " be so circumspect in my writing but that sum word " shall escape me where with his grace shall be " moved to sum further displeasure against me, " whereof I w^ould be very sorry. For as I will " answer before God, I would not in any manner of " poynte offend his grace, my duty saved unto God, " whom I must in every thing prefer. And for this " consideration I am full loth and full at fear to " write unto his highness in this matter. Never- " theless, sythen I conceive that it is your mind that " I shall so do, I will endeavor me to the best that " I can.

" But first hear I must beseech you good Mr. " Secretary to call to your remembrance that at my " last being before you and the other commissioners *' for taking of the oath concerning the king's most " noble succession, I was content to be sworn unto " that parcell concerning the succession. And there " I did rehearse this reason which I said moved me. " I doubted not but that the prince of any realm " with the assent of his nobles and commons might " appoint for his succession royal such an order as " was seen unto his wisdom most according. And " for this reason I said that I was content to be

G 4

88 The Chmxk History book v.

A.D. 1534. " sworn unto that part of the oath as concerning

vin.^^ " the succession. This is a very truth, as God help

" my soul at my most need. All be it I refused to

" swear to some other parcels because that my con-

" science would not serve me so to do.

" Furthermore I beseche yow to be gode master " unto me in my necessitie, for I have neither shirt, " nor sute, nor yet other clothes, that ar necessary " for me to weare, but that be ragged and rent to " shamefully. Notwithstanding I might easily suffer " that, if they would keep my body warm. But my " diet also, God knows how slender it is at many " times. And now in mine age, my stomake may " not away but with a few kind of meats, which if " I want, I decay forthwith, and fall into erases and " diseases of my body, and cannot keep my selfe in " health. And, as our Lord knoweth, I have no " thing left unto me for to provide any better, but as " my brother ^ of his own purse laieth out for me, to " his great hinderance.

" Wherefore gode master Secretary, eftsones I " beseche yow to have som pittie upon me, and let " me have such things as are necessary for me in " mine age, and specially for my health ; and also " that it may please yow by yowr high wysdome, to " move the kings highnesse to take me unto his " gracious favour againe, and to restore me unto my " liberty, out of this cold and painful imprisonment ; " whereby ye shall bind me to be yowr pore beads- " man for ever unto Almighty God, who ever have " yow in his protection and custody.

" Other twain things I must also desyer upon

J Robert Fisher.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 89

" yow; the toon is, that itt may please yow, that I a. d. 1534. " may take some preest within the Tower, by th'as- ^ vin."^ " signment of master livetenant, to hear my con- '

" fession against this hooly tym.

" That other is, that I may borrow some bookes " to stir my devotion mor effectually theis hooly " dayes, for the comfortte of my sowl. This I be- " seche yow to grant me of yowr charitie. And thus " our Lord send yow a mery Christenmas, and a " comfortable to yowr heart's desyer. Att the Tower " the xxij. day of December.

" Your poor beadsman, " Jo. ROFFSJ."

His first petition for clothes was granted him, (having exchange thereof at his execution,) and it is probable the other two petitions, being so reasonable, were not denied him.

19. During his durance in the Tower, he was His often often and strictly examined '', before sir Edmund tbn". "^" Walsingham lieutenant thereof, by Thomas Bedyll and Richard Layton clerks of the council, and was sworn in verbo sacerdotii, to answer to many interro- gatories, but chiefly concerning four subjects.

First, about the king's divorce, wherein he was Of four always constant to what he had printed of the un- partlcuLrs. lawfulness thereof.

Secondly, about his supremacy, which (at last) he peremptorily denied.

j [Original Holograph, Cot- ^ [See the original report of

ton MSS. Cleop. E. VI. 172. this examination, every page

Fuller printed only part of this subscribed by the bishop's own

letter. I have retained the hand among the Cotton MSS.

whole, our author having again Cleop. E. VI. 169.] referred to it below.]

90 The Church History book v,

A.D. IS35- Thirdly, about his concealinaf the imposture of

27 Henry 01

VIII. Elizabeth Barton, the maid of Kent; wherein he

confessed his weakness, and over-easy belief; but

utterly denied any ill intentions to the king's person.

Fourthly, about the statute of succession, wherein,

as appears by his letter to secretary CromwelP, he

was content to subscribe and swear to the body, but

not to the preamble thereof™.

Taketh of- 20. Wliich words therein, so offensive to Fisher,

preface of (except there be any other unprinted preface to this

' statute,) were these : " The bishop of Rome and see

" apostolic, contrary to the great and inviolable

" grants of jurisdiction by God immediately to em-

" perors, kings, and princes, in succession to their

" heirs, hath presumed in times past to invest who

" should please them to inherit in other men's king-

" doms and dominions : which thing we your most

" humble subjects, both spiritual and temjDoral, do

" most abhor and detest"."

Archbishop 21. Here I know not whether more to commend

hiTpoiitfcai ^li® policy or charity of archbishop Cranmer, desiring

character, jj-^ ^ letter to Secretary Cromwell °, that this partial

subscription which bishop Fisher proffered to the

statute of succession might be accepted ; adding,

that good use might be made thereof to the king's

advantage, such general reputation the world had of

this bishop's learning, and of sir Thomas More's:

both which it seemed went the same path and pace,

and in this point started, ran, and stopped together.

Indeed, it was not good to strain such fine strings too

1 [Printed above, p. 87.] p. 558.

m [Burnet, Ref. I. p. 317.] » Cotton MSS. [Cleop. E.

n See the printed statutes, VI. f. 181. Cranmer's WorkS;,

25 of lien. VIII. cap. 22. vol. I. p. loi.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 91

high, which possibly moistened with mild usage a. d. 1535. might in process of time have been stretched to a ^Viii.'^^

further compliance. But, it seems, nothing at pre- sent would satisfy, except both of them came up to the fall measure of the king's demands.

22. As for bishop Fisher his concealing the pre- Fisher's tended prophecies of Elizabeth Barton, it was so far ijaXn's^ waived, that he was never indicted for the same p. ["^f^^'^^^ And indeed he made an ingenious plea for himself; namely, that the said Elizabeth had told him she

had acquainted the king therewith ; yea, he had assurance thereof from the archbishop 1. And therefore, knowing the king knew of it before, he was loth to hazard his displeasure in that, which was not revealing what was unknown, but repeating what would be unwelcome to his grace.

23. But not long after, he was arraigned of high Vet how treason, and it will not be amiss to insert the sting '^\ycon. of the indictment out of the original. demned.

" Diversis Domini regis veris subditis false mali- 3iay 7. " tiose et proditorie loquebatur et propalabat vide- " licet : The king owre soveraigne lord is not " supreme hed yn erthe of the cherche of England. " In dicti domini regis immund. despect. et vilipen- " dium manifest.''"

Of this he was found guilty, had judgment, and was remanded to the Tower, where, for a time, we leave him, and proceed.

P [Burnet, Ref. i. 312.] ^ His words were spoken

1 In his Letter to tlie King, May 7, in the Tower of Lon-

in Bib. Cotton. [Cleop. E.VL don, but he arraigned after-

162.] wards.

92

The Church History

BOOK V.

Papists un justly charge us for schis-

Three es- sentials in reforma-

A.D. 1535. 24. Thus was the power of the pope totally 27^^enry ^i^^ij^i^^^ ^^^ ^f England, whereof the Romanists at this day do bitterly complain, but can revenge them- selves no other way, save by aspersing us as guilty of schism and separation, for rending ourselves from the mother-church. Blame us not, if loth that the church of England (in whose doctrine and discipline we were born, and bred, and desire to die) should lie under so foul and false an imputation, which by the following narrative may fully be confuted.

25. Three things are essential to justify the Eng- lish reformation from the scandal of schism, to shew that they had

i. Just cause for which they deceded from Rome.

ii. True authority by which they deceded from Rome.

iii. Due moderation in what they deceded from Rome.

26. The first will plainly appear, if we consider the abominable errors which contrary to scripture and primitive practice were then crept into the church of Rome. As the denying the cup to the laity ; worshipping of images ; locking up the scrip- tures in Latin, and performing prayers in an un- known tongue, with the monstrosity of transubstan- tiation, unexcusable practices. Besides, the behe- moth of the pope's infallibility, and the leviathan of his universal jurisdiction, so exclaimed against by Gregory the Great as a note of Antichrist.

The impos- ^7. Just causc of reformation being thus proved,

free g^jie^-al proceed wc to the authority by which it is to be

council, made. Here we confess the most regular way was

by order from a free and general council, but here

alas no hope thereof. General it could not be, the

The gross errors in popery.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 93

Greeks not being in a capacity of repairing thither; a. 0.1535.

2 7 Hciirv

nor free, such the papal usurpation ; for before men viii. could try the truth, hand to hand, by dint of scrip- ture, (the sword and buckler thereof by God's ap- pointment,) the pope took off all his adversaries at distance with (those guns of hellish invention) his infallibility and universal jurisdiction, so that no approaching his presence to oppose him, but with certainty of being pre-condemned.

28. Now seeing the complaints of the conscientious The power in all ages against the errors in the Romish church tionai ' met with no other entertainment than frowns and • J^^ro^eT" frets, and afterwards fire and fagot, it came season- ably into the minds of those who steered the English nation, to make use of that power which God had bestowed upon them. And seeing they were a national church under the civil command of one

king, he by the advice and consent of his clergy in convocation, and great council in parliament, resolved to reform the church under his inspection from gross abuses crept into it, leaving it free to other churches either to follow his example, or continue in their former condition : and on these terms was the Eng- lish reformation first advanced.

29. But the Romanists object, that England being Objection first converted to Christianity by the zeal and caretraiy. of the church of Rome, (when jDope Gregory the Great sent Augustine over to preach here,) cannot,

not only without great ingratitude, but flat unduti- fulness, depart from the church which first taught it true religion.

It is answered, first, this argument reacheth not Answer i. west of Severn into Wales, where the ancient

94

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A.D. 1535. Britons by general confession were converted before

27 Henry .i . • y, »

trie time 01 Augustine.

VIII.

Answer 3.

Answer 2. SecoiicUy, tliis fii'st favour received from Rome puts not on England so strict and servile an obli- gation of perpetual continuance, that she may and must not serve God without asking her leave. It ties England only to a fair and grateful respect, which she always tendered, till the insolency of the church of Rome made us unwilling to pay, and her unworthy to receive it.

Thirdly, some strength may be allowed to this objection, if Rome could be proved the same in doc- trine and discipline, when under the reign of king Henry the Eighth England divided itself from it, with Rome, when in the time of Gregory the Great it was converted by God's blessing on his endeavours. But since that time the church of Rome hath been much corrupted in opinions and j)ractice, easy to prove, but that it is not the set work of our history.

30. But again the papists object, that the most judicious protestants do ingeniously confess, that the church of Rome maintaineth all the fundamentals of religion. England therefore cannot be excused from schism for dividing from that church, which, by their own confession, still retaineth the true founda- tion of Christianity.

31. It is answered, if some protestants be so civil in their censures on papists, it appears thereby, though they have left Rome, they have not lost their courtesy nor their charity. But grant (which is indisputable) the errors of the church of Rome not fundamental, they are circa-fundamental, grating on the very foundation. Besides, we are bound to

2. Objection of the Ro manists.

The an- swer.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 95

avoid, not only what is deadly, but what is hurtful ; a.d. 1535. not only what may destroy the life, but what may ^ vin!"^^ prejudice the health of our souls '". '

But our adversaries persist to object that our3 0b- reformation took its rise from king Henry's pride, to^^^' pluck down a power which crossed his designs, from his covetousness to compass the revenues of abbeys, and fi*om his wantonness to exchange his old em- bracings for new ones. Well therefore may the English blush at the babe when they behold its parents, and be ashamed of their reformation, con- sidering the vicious extraction thereof.

Ansiv. Malice may load the memory of king The an. Henry about his demerits; yet grant the charge ^^^"' true, that bad inclinations first moved him to the reformation, yet he acted therein nothing but con- formable to the law divine and human. It is usual with God's wisdom and goodness to suffer vice to sound the first alarum to that fight wherein virtue is to have the victory. Besides, king Henry's reforma- tion hath since been reformed by successive princes of England, who cannot justly be taxed with any vicious reflection therein.

32. It remaineth that we take notice of the mo- The mode- deration of the reformers, who being acted not with refo°)^ei.s an opposition to all which the papists practised, but

w ith an affection to truth, disclaimed only the ulcers and sores, not what was sound of the Romish church, retaining still what was consonant to antiquity in the four first general councils.

33. Matters thus ordered, had the Romanists The condu- been pleased to join with us, there had been no contest.

r [The answer, that the Ro- piitably true, so is it a much manists separated from us, not more tenable position.] we from them, as it is indis-

96 The Church History book v.

A.D, 1535- complaining of schism either in their streets or ours.

27 Henry . ,

VIII. But such their pride and peevishness, to persist obstinate, to this day incense many people, (who listen more to the loudness, than weigh the justness of complaints,) accusing us of wilful separation ; but the premises well considered, England may say to Rome, Pharez, the breach be upon thee^, who, with Athaliah, crying Treason, treason^, being herself the prime traitor, taxeth us with schism, when she the only schismatic. The pope's 34. We enter now on a subject which we must outofEng.not omit, such is the concernment thereof in our ^^ ' history ; yet which we cannot complete, so intricate the nature thereof, and so short and doubtful our intelligence therein ; namely, to give a general esti- mate (particulars being impossible) of the papal revenues of England. Greatest 35. Here be it premised that I humbly conceive

H°tT nf *^^® pope's income ran the highest in England under king Henry the Third and king Edward the First, before the statute of mortmain (and after it that of 'prcemimire) was made, for these much abated his intrado. And although I deny not but under king Henry the Eighth he might receive more money, as then more plentiful in England, yet his profit for- merly was greater, if the standard of gold and silver be but stated proportionably. Pope's pro- 36. However, the vast sums Rome received hence of trinkets. ^^ ^^® t\v[iG of reformation, will appear by the en- suing commodities. For, first, agnus Dei's, this is here set by synecdoche to signify all popish trinkets, medals, consecrated beads, &c., which I as little know what they be, as papists why they use them :

s Gen. xxxviii. 29. * 2 Kings xi. 14.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 97

of these were yearly brought over from Rome mtoA.D. 1535. England as many as would fill the shop of a haber- ^Vii'l ^

dasher of holy wares. Now, though their prices were not immediately paid into the pope's purse, but to such his subordinate officers who traded therein, yet they may be accounted part of the papal revenues ; (the king hath what the courtiers have by his consent ;) and if such trading was not permitted unto them, the pope must either abate of his train, or find his officers other ways of subsistence.

37. Secondly, for annates, so called because they By his were the entire revenues of one year (in the nature ^"'^*^^^' of first-fruits) which the bishops and inferior clergy paid to the pope ; we have no light concerning the latter, but can present the reader with an exact account what every bishop in England (new elected or translated to a see) paid at his entrance to his holiness.

Bishopric. Paid.

Canterbury 10,000 F.

besides for his pall 5000 F .

London 3000 F.

Winchester 12,000 D.

Ely 7000 D.

Lincoln [5000 D.]

Coventry and Lichfield 1733 D.

Salisbury 4500 Crowns.

Bath and Wells 430 F.

Exeter 6000 D.

Norwich 5000 D.

Worcester 2000 F.

Hereford 1800 F.

Chichester 333 F.

Rochester [1300 F.]

St. David^s 1500 F.

FULLER, VOL. III. H

98 The Church History book v.

A.D. 1535. Bishopric. Paid.

^7^Henry Llandaff" 700 F.

'— Bangor 1^6 F.

St. Asaph 126 F.

York 10,000 D.

besides for his pall 5000 D.

Durham 9000 F.

Carlisle 1000 F.v

In this account F stands for florins, being worth four shillings and sixpence in our English money. D for single ducats, sufficiently known for four shil- : lings. Lincoln's not being valued I behold as a mere casual omission in this catalogue ; but can render a reason why Rochester not rated, who, being accounted as chaplain to the archbishop of Canter- bury, and anciently in his donation, may be supposed valued in the high valuation of his patron. That Bath and Wells, then so high in wealth, should be so low in first-fruits, (whereat my author^ wonders,) plainly shews that favour was fashionable, as in all other courts, so in the court of Rome. The rest of the English bishoprics were not in being before the reformation. By appeals. 39- Thirdly, by appeals ; the pope having learned this policy from the council of Jethro to Moses, Every great thing tliey shall bring unto thee, but every small matter they (viz. the seventy elders) shall judged, reserved to himself the definitive sentence in all high controversies, which brought no small profit unto him.

V This catalogue Avas ex- ^ " Quod miror." Godwin, in

tracted out of bishoj) Godwin, his Catalogue of Bishops, p.

[de prses. Angliee, p. 800. The 447. 1

omissions I have supplied in y Exod. xvi i. 22. brackets.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 99

40. Fourthly, by king Athelwolph's pension given a. d. 1535. by him to the pope, anno 852, whereof largely ^'vin.^^ before ; a distinct payment from Peter-pence, (with By king which some confound it,) as stinted to three hundred ^^Jp^'s marks ^; whereas the other were casual, and increased pension. according to the number of houses.

41. Fifthly, for dispensations. Oh the charity ofBy^isdis-

, . pensations.

the pope, to lay heavy burdens on men s consciences, (without command from God's word,) too heavy for them to bear ! but then so merciful he was, for money to take them off again ; thus licenses to marry within degrees forbidden, for priests' (base) sons to succeed their fathers in a benefice, and a hundred other particulars, brought yearly a nemo scit into the papal treasury.

42. Sixthly, indulgences are next, though I know By induig- not how essentially distinguished from dispensations,

nor dare warrant the distinction, that the former was against, the other above canon law. As when abbeys and other places were freed from episcopal juris- diction, and many other privileges and exemptions both personal and conventual.

43. Seventhly, by legatine levies; these, though By legatine

levies.

not annual, yet came (almost) as often as the pope's needs or covetousness would require them.

44. Eighthly, mortuaries due at the death of great By mor- prelates, though I find not in what manner and pro- portion they were paid.

45. Ninthly, pardons; he saveth his credit the By pardons, best who makes no conjecture at the certainty of

this revenue. And though the pope (as then too politic openly to confess his profit by granting, so

2 See sir Henry Spelman's Concil. p. 353. H 2

100 The Church History book v.

A. D. 1535. since) be too proud publicly to bemoan his loss by ^ viii.'^ stopping of these pardons, yet is he secretly and sadly sensible of a great emptiness in his treasure thereby. By Peter- ^g Tonthly, Peter-peucc succeed, granted by Ina, king of the West Saxons, to pope Gregory the Second, anno Q^Q. It was a penny paid for every chimney that smoked in England, which in that hospital age had few smokeless ones ; the device of ciper-tunnels, or mock-chimneys merely for uni- formity of building, being unknown in those days. Indeed, before the conquest, such only paid Peter- pence who were worth thirty pence in yearly revenue, or half a mark in goods ; but afterwards it was col- lected generally of all solvable housekeepers, and that on most heavy penalties^. To what 47- Now though none can tell what these amounted, amouuted to, yet conjecture may be made, by de- scending to such proportions, which no rational man will deny. Allowing nine thousand parishes (abating the odd hundreds) in England and Wales, a hundred houses in every parish, two chimneys in every house, one with another, it ariseth unto a yearly sum of seven thousand five hundred pounds. Here I say nothing of the intrinsical value of their penny, worth two pence in our age. Bypii- Eleventhly, pilgrimages follow, many persons of

quality going yearly to Rome, sometimes perchance with bare feet, but never M'ith empty hands. But the pope's principal harvest was in the jubilee, (which of late recurred every five and twenty years,) when no fewer than two hundred thousand strangers

^ See Spehnan's Concil. p. 625.

CENT. XV f. of B?'itain. 101

have been counted at Rome at once. Of these more a. d. 1535. than the tenth part may be justly allowed English, vnv^

it being always observed, that distance increaseth devotion ; and the furthest off, the forwardest in will-worship of this nature.

49. Twelftlily, we conclude with tenths, and onBytemiis. what title they were paid to the pope largely here- after.

50. Here we speak not of the accidentals, as ah cannot legacies bequeathed by the deaths of princes and counted. great persons, and other casualties and obventions ; Sixtus the Fourth being wont to say, that " a pope

" could never want money while he could hold a pen " in his hand ;" (understand him, to grant general indulgences ;) though Luther's holding a pen in his hand hath since much marred his mart herein. Now certainly Demetrius could tell better what was gotten by making silver shrines for Diana ^ than St. Paul himself: and while some protestants com- j)ute the papal profit to be a hundred and fifty thou- sand pounds per annum, some more, some less, (but all making it above the king's revenues,) they do but state his income at random.

51. Only Polydore Virgil, if alive and willing, Poiydore were able to give a certain account of the Peter- lector oTthe pence, (a good guess at the rest of papal revenues,) J^" pen^cg^'"' knowing them as well as the beggar knows his dish, as holding the bason into which they were put, being- collector general of Peter-pence all over England. But this Italian was too proud to accept them as gratuities, (in which nature they were first given^)

^ Acts xix. 27^ H 3

102

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BOOK V.

A. D. 1535.

27 Henry

VIII.

Belaurel- eth the quire of

Wells.

A malefac- tor to pos- terity for burning

MSS.

Two-edged

verses.

but exacted them in the notion of a rent and tribute due to the pope his master.

52. This is that Polydore Virgil wlio was dignitary of the cathedral of Wells, and, as I take it, arch- deacon of Taunton, on the quire whereof he be- stowed hangings flourished with the laurel-tree, and, as I remember, wrote upon them,

Sunt Polydori munera Virgilii. But would he had spared his benefaction to the church of Wells, on condition he had been no male- factor to the church of England ; yea, to religion and learning in general, if it be true what commonly is reported.

53. For he wrote a Latin history of Britain, from the original of the nation until anno Dom. 153, the year of king Henry the Eighth, out of many rare manuscripts which he had collected together. Now, partly to raise the rei^utation of his own writings, that he might seem no lazy transcriber, partly to render himself out of the reach of confutation, being suspected not over-faithful in his relation, he is said to have burnt all those rare authors which he could compass into his possession. Thus, tyrant-like, he cut down those stairs whereby he ascended the throne of his own knowledge. If this be true, the world may thank Polydore Virgil for his work De Inventione Rerum, but have cause to chide (not to say curse) his memory for his act de pei'ditione librorum.

54. I have met with a paper of verses, which, like a twoedged sword, cut on both sides, plainly at Polydore Virgil, but obscurely at a later plagiary, and in my opinion not unworthy to be inserted.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 103

A.D. 1535.

27 Henry

Leyland's supposed ghost. viii.

Am I deceived ? or doth not Leyland's ghost Complain of wrong sustained after death ;

As Virgil's Polydore accus'd his host, The Thracian king, for cruel breach of faith, And treasures gain'd by stopping of his breath ?

Ah greedy guardian ! to enjoy his goods,

Didst plunge his princely ward into the floods !

Am I deceiv'd ? or doth not Leyland's spii-it Complain with th' ghosts of Enghsh notaries

Whom Polydorus Virgil robb'd of merit, Bereft of name, and sack'd of histories, While (wretch !) he ravish'd English libraries?

Ah wicked book-thief ! whosoever did it.

Should one burn all, to get one single credit ?

Am I deceived ? or doth not Leyland''s spirit, Make hue and cry for some book-treasure stealth,

Rifling his works, and razing name and merit, Whereby are smothered a prince -given wealth, A learned writer's travail, wits, and health ?

All these he spent to do his country pleasure,

0 save his name, the world may know his treasure !

1 am deceived ; for Leyland's ghost doth rest From plaints and cries with souls of blessed men.

But heaven and human laws cannot digest That such rare fruits of a laborious pen CAM to be drown'd in such a thankless DEN. Thus heaven and all humanity doth sue. That Leyland dead may have his titles due.

Who this second plagiary was, complained of for plundering Leyland, if the reader cannot conjec- ture, I will not tell, such the honour I bear to his

H 4

104.

The Clturch History

BOOK V,

A.D. 1535.

27 Henry

VI 11.

How papal po\A'er in England was can- toned.

God first had his share.

Christ his due.

The Holy Spirit his portion.

The king assumes liis share.

admirable performances, though herein not to be excused •'.

55. Papal power thus extinguished in England, it is worth our inquiry where the same for the future was fixed, which Ave find not entirely settled in any one, but according to justice and equity divided amongst many sharers therein.

5Q. And first, Give unto God the thincjs ivhicli are God's. What the Pharisees said was true in the doctrine, though false in the use thereof, as applied to our Saviour, Avhom they mistook for a mere man: Who can forgive sins but God aloncf ^ This para- mount power, no less blasphemously than arrogantly usurped by the pope, claiming an absolute and au- thoritative pardoning of sins, Avas humbly and justly restored to the high God of heaven.

57. Restitution was made to the second Person in the Trinity of that universal jurisdiction over the whole church as belonging to Christ alone, A\dio is tlie shepherd and bishop of our soids ; and a badge of Antichrist for the pope proudly to assume the same''.

58. To the Holy Ghost Avas restored that infal- libility Avhich to him doth properly pertain, as being the Spirit of truth, which neither Avill deceive nor can be deceived, and AA^hich hath promised to lead his church in general into all tridh, but ncAer fixed any inerrability on any particular jierson or suc- cession of single persons whatsoever.

59. And noAv, Give unto Cfssar the things that are Ccpsar's^. The king comes to claim his own right,

^ [^The reference is to Cam- c Mark vii.

den the historian ; though Bale ^ i Pet. ii. 25.

is far more open to the accii- « John xv. 26. and xvi. 23. sation.]

CENT. XVI. (if Brxtnvi. 105

what the kings of Jiulah (his predecessors in sove-A.D. 1531;. reignty) had by the word of God, and Christian viii. emperors by the practice of the primitive times did possess. In order whereunto, the parliament did notify and declare that ecclesiastical power to be in the king which the pope had formerly unjustly in- vaded. Yet so, that they reserved to themselves (besides other privileges which we leave to the learned in the law) the confirming power of all canons ecclesiastical ; so that the person or i)roi)erty of refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty \\itliout consent of parliament.

60. Of this power thus declared in the king, part thereof he kept in himself; as, to call and dissolve convocations at his pleasure ; to grant or deny them commission to debate of religion; to command arch- bishops and bishops to be chosen in vacant sees ; to take order for the due administration of the word and sacraments.

61. The other jDart of power ecclesiastical the king passed over to the archbishop of Canterbury, afe his substitute ; first, to grant faculties in cases not repugnant to the law